awe the public councils!  Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation,
dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
    Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the
jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign
influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.  But that jealousy to be useful
must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a
defence against it.--Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another,
cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the
arts of influence on the other.--Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are
liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of
the people, to surrender their interests.
    The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending out commercial
relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible.  So far as we have already formed
engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.--Here let us stop.
    Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.  Hence
she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our
concerns.  Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in
the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships,
or enmities.
    Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course.  If we remain
one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material
injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality,
we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under
the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation;
when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
    Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?  Why quit our own to stand upon foreign
ground?  why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace
and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice?
    'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world;
so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising
infidelity to existing engagements.  I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy.  I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be
observed in their genuine sense.  But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend
them.
    Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture,
we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
    Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest.
But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking
nor granting exclusive favour or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and
diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with
powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and
to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time
abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view,
that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that it must pay with a
portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance,
it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet
of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.  There can be no greater error than to
expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation.  'Tis an illusion which experience
must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
    In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not
hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual
current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked
the destiny of nations:  But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial
benefit, occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit,
to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended
patriotism; this hope will be a full recompence for the solicitude of your welfare, by which they
have been dictated.
    How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have
been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to
the world.  To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself
to be guided by them.
    In relation to the still subsisting ear in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is
the index to my plan.  Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in
both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by
any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
    After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied
that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in
duty and interest, to take a neutral position.  Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend
upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness.