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Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly, 1796
Volume 105, Page 26   View pdf image (33K)
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26            VOTES and PROCEEDINGS, November, 1796.

--The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil of any partial or transient benefit
which the use can at any time yield.
    Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible
supports.--In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to
subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens.
--The mere politician, equally with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish them.--A volume
could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity.  Let it simply be asked
where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, in the sense of religious obligation desert
the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?  And let us with caution
indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion.  Whatever may be conceded
to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience
both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
    'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government.  The
rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government.  Who that is a
sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
    Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.
--In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential
that public opinion should be enlightened.
    As a very important source of strength and security cherish public credit.  One method of preserving
it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expence by cultivating peace,
but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning
occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable
wars may have been occasioned, but ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we
ourselves ought to bear.--The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is
necessary that public opinion should co-operate.--To facilitate to them the performance of their
duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there
must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are
not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the
selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive
for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence
in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
    Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion
and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?  It will
be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly
repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it?  Can it be, that
Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue?  The experiment,
at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.   Alas!  It is rendered
impossible by its vices?
    In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies
against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that
in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all shall be cultivated.  The nation, which
indulges towards another in habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, in some degree a slave.  It
is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, wither of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its
duty and its interest.  Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult
and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and untractable, when
accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.  Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed
and bloody contests.  The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war
the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy.  The government sometimes participates
in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times,
it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition
and other sinister and pernicious motives.  The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations
has been the victim.
    So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils.  Sympathy
for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where
no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former
into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter. without adequate inducement or justification.
It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt
doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to
have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties
from whom equal privileges are with-held:  And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens
(who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of
their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances
of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for
public good, the bale or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.
    As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming
to the truly enlightened and independent patriot.  How many opportunities do they afford to tamper
with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or

 

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Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly, 1796
Volume 105, Page 26   View pdf image (33K)
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