26
VOTES and PROCEEDINGS, November, 1796.
--The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil of
any partial or transient benefit
which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible
supports.--In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who
should labour to
subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of
the duties of men and citizens.
--The mere politician, equally with the pious man ought to respect and
to cherish them.--A volume
could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity.
Let it simply be asked
where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, in the sense
of religious obligation desert
the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of
justice? And let us with caution
indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded
to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason
and experience
both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion
of religious principle.
'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is
a necessary spring of popular government. The
rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government.
Who that is a
sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake
the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance,
institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.
--In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public
opinion, it is essential
that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security
cherish public credit. One method of preserving
it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expence
by cultivating peace,
but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently
prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of
debt, not only by shunning
occasions of expence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge
the debts which unavoidable
wars may have been occasioned, but ungenerously throwing upon posterity
the burthen which we
ourselves ought to bear.--The execution of these maxims belongs to your
representatives, but it is
necessary that public opinion should co-operate.--To facilitate to them
the performance of their
duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards
the payment of debts there
must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes
can be devised which are
not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment
inseparable from the
selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties)
ought to be a decisive motive
for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making
it, and for a spirit of acquiescence
in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at
any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations,
cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion
and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not
equally enjoin it? It will
be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation,
to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted
justice and benevolence.
Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such
a plan would richly
repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence
to it? Can it be, that
Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with
its virtue? The experiment,
at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.
Alas! It is rendered
impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential
than that permanent, inveterate antipathies
against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should
be excluded; and that
in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all shall be cultivated.
The nation, which
indulges towards another in habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, in
some degree a slave. It
is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, wither of which is sufficient
to lead it astray from its
duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes
each more readily to offer insult
and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty
and untractable, when
accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent
collisions, obstinate, envenomed
and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment,
sometimes impels to war
the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
government sometimes participates
in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would
reject; at other times,
it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility
instigated by pride, ambition
and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes
perhaps the liberty, of nations
has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation
for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy
for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary
common interest, in cases where
no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the
other, betrays the former
into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter. without adequate
inducement or justification.
It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of privileges denied
to others, which is apt
doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting
with what ought to
have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition
to retaliate, in the parties
from whom equal privileges are with-held: And it gives to ambitious,
corrupted, or deluded citizens
(who devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or
sacrifice the interests of
their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding
with the appearances
of a virtuous sense of obligation a commendable deference for public opinion,
or a laudable zeal for
public good, the bale or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or
infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways,
such attachments are particularly alarming
to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities
do they afford to tamper
with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead
public opinion, to influence or
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