for or against the adoption of the new consti-
tution. This privilege I trust will be accorded
to us.
Mr. RIDGELY, Will the gentleman allow
me to ask him a question? I did not dis-
tinctly understand the answer you gave to
the gentleman from Howard (Mr. Sands.) I
would be glad to know whether you would
approve a peace which would recognize the
independence of the southern confederacy ?
Mr. DENT. I would. I do not know that
I would recognize them by the limits which
they claim, but by some lines which might
be agreed upon by commissioners appointed
to negotiate for that purpose.
Mr. SANDS. I should like to ask the gen-
tleman one other question before he sits
down. Would he include Maryland in those
limits to which he refers ?
Mr, DENT. If the majority of the citizens
of a Maryland were in favor of it, I should be
for including Maryland, If they were against
it, I should be influenced by the voice of the
majority of the citizens of Maryland, whether
we should adhere to our present position, or
take a new position; because I should regard
the Union as halving been dissolved, and each
State as resolved into its original position of
independent' sovereignty; not with standing
the assertion that there would be no States
were the Union destroyed. I entertain the
opposite opinion; that is, that if the Unicon
were destroyed, the States would be alive
and would occupy the same position they held
before there was any Union—each being an
independent sovereign State.
Mr. NEGLEY. Will the gentleman allow
me to ask him another question? if the pro-
position were placed before him as one of the
people of Maryland, whether the State should
go with the southern portion of the country,
or remain with the northern portion of the
country, which way would he vote?
Mr. DENT, I will answer the gentleman
frankly. I would prefer that Maryland
should be associated with the southern
States. I have no hesitation in answering,
(The half-hour having expired, the gentle-
men yielded the floor.)
Mr. BILLINGSLEY. I would suggest to the con-
vention that inasmuch as the gentleman from
St. Mary's (Mr. Dent) has had, from circumstances
over which he has bad no control, no
opportunity to express his sentiments freely
and unreservedly upon the various topics
which have engaged the attention of this con-
vention, and as members seem anxious and
even solicitous to obtain his views upon the
prominent questions of the day, that you will
as a matter of courtesy allow him to proceed.
It is now a late hour, and we do not expect to
conclude this discussion or to take a vote up-
on the amendment now before us; and as I
know it has been his wish to be here, but that
circumstances lie could not control have ren-
dered his absence unavoidable, I think you |
[ ought to depart a little from the established
rule of the convention, in order to enable him
to proceed.
Mr. DENT.. I am very much obliged to my
colleague for making the request of the con-
vention, but I do not desire to continue.
Mr. BILLINGSLEY. I know that it is the gen-
tleman's extreme modesty which causes him to
decline, and I move that he have leave to pro-
ceed.
The PRESIDENT. For what time?
Mr. DENT. I hope the gentleman will with-
draw the motion.
Mr. BILLINGSLEY. I move that be have leave
to proceed for twenty minutes.
Mr. STOCKBRIDGE. To discuss the subject
before the convention, or for general discus-
sion?
Mr. DENT. I would prefer that the motion
should be withdrawn. I have debated the
question before the convention, and the con-
vention has been indulgent and listened to me.
1 do not desire at present to occupy any more
lime.
Mr. BILLINGSLEY. Well, sir; I withdraw the
motion.
Mr. BELT. I will consult the pleasure of the
convention, either to proceed now or give way
to a motion to adjourn.
SEVERAL MEMBERS. Go on.
Mr. BELT. I am one of those who think that
the custom of administering oaths is an im-
politic process in the establishment of governments.
It is as well because the practice is
useless in itself and unnecessary, as because,
on the other hand, in its practical operation it
is liable in most cases to lead to positive abuse.
All citizens in a free community, by the very
fact of their citizenship, owe a duty to the
State, to which nothing can he superadded by
the imposition of an oath. Under God there
is no higher duly to be performed in this world
by any man living in the commonwealth, than
the common duty which each one knows and
feels, independent of all extraneous consideration,
that he owes to the common wealth. So
that when a man is called by the vote of his
fellow-citizens in a free State to exercise and
execute the duties of a public position, I hold
that the obligation which the nature of his
connection with the community imposes upon
him, ought to be a sufficient guaranty among
men of moral character that he will execute
those duties to the best of his ability, inde-
pendent of any factitious obligation which the
imposition of an oath may be supposed to
carry with it.
In corroboration of that theory this further
view may be taken. Any man who is com-
petent to discharge the duties of a public po-
sition, any man who is honest enough to be
invested with the exercise of them, will dis-
charge them as well without an oath as with
one. A good man will execute his duties prop-
erly, promptly, and with integrity. A man
on the other hand who does not intend to ex- |
