will be given, sooner or later, when the
heated passions of men have subsided, and
when reason has resumed its sway.
Much has been said on the subject of loy-
alty in the course of the present and past
discussions. Loyalty to-day is not what it
was a few years ago. To be loyal a few
years ago did not require as much subser-
viency—I know not by what other word to
characterise it—to the federal administration
as is exacted to-day. Such a thing as condi-
tional loyalty was tolerated three years ago.
There were conditional Union men three
years ago. Now everything must be uncon-
ditional—it must be unconditional loyalty ;
we must be unconditional Union men or we
are disloyal to the government. Loyalty
cannot and does not mean anything more
than to support the government as organ-
ized by the constitution, and not the govern-
ment as administered in defiance of the or-
ganic law which created it.
It does not mean that you need to support
the powers assumed or acts committed in vio-
lation of the powers conferred by the organic
law of the land. I cannot subscribe to the
doctrine that it means an unconditional, un-
questioning support of the federal administration.
It has been said, not upon this floor,
in so many words, that I recollect, that loy-
ally at the present day means "an unques-
tioning support of the federal administration,"
which is a blind obedience to its despotic will,
a willing subserviency to arbitrary rule, a
kind of humble, truculent pandering to ifs
majesty, with thanks for being permitted to
do your master's bidding.
I will profess none of it. It stinks in my
nostrils as the foul emanation of a tyrant's
breath, it is false, it is cruel, it is wicked ;
it is bold treason and arrant perjury against
the great work of our fathers, consecrated
by their blood and hallowed by their virtues.
It is a violation of every right transmitted to
us as a heritage, and that the plainest princi-
ples of justice and the weightiest obligations
of duty require us to transmit them untar-
nished to the posterity we may leave behind
us. I cannot subscribe to such a definition
of loyalty. My obligations require me to
support the constitution and the government
organized by the constitution of the United
States, I have never repudiated that obliga-
tion, nor do I expect to repudiate it so long
as there is a constitution of the United States,
or of the adhering States, and Maryland is
one of the adhering States,
I think I have already occupied the time
allotted to me, and am unwilling to violate
any of the rules prescribed for the govern-
ment of the body. I will therefore close,
although I should be glad to have an oppor-
tunity to go on further—
The PRESIDENT. The gentleman has five
minutes longer.
Mr. DENT. Then I will avail myself of its |
use. The gentleman who last addressed the
convention (Mr. Daniel) spoke of the law-
making power, the law-executing power and
the law-judging power, and thought it was
the duty of the citizens of the State to obey
that power—that that power was the govern-
ment. Yet we are taught by the statesmen
who preceded us to believe that that power
is not vested in one man I admit the force
and truth of the remark if he will apply it to
the several powers as they have been divided
in the government; but I do not admit its
truth when he applies it to him who has as-
sumed to make, to judge of, and to execute
the law for himself, as has been the case in
many instances, thereby assuming to be the
government of the United States. The posi-
tion is too absurd to require refutation.
Reference has also been made to ballots
and bullets, as if there was apprehension
that the latter might be resorted to, or should
be resorted to for the purpose of saving the
government. We are willing to resort to
ballots. We wish to exercise that privilege
as freemen. We are in favor of the freedom
of ballot, which has heretofore been accorded
to the citizen of the State. We claim it as a
right, and will exercise it as freemen;—I
trust that we will. I am so disposed myself,
despite any and all opposition which a manly
effort can overcome. Many steps have been
taken for the purpose of curtailing the exer-
cise of that right. A continued effort in that
direction might provoke us to bullets. Do
not think I mean any intimidation. I do
not. I would rather warn you against ex-
treme measures, and any measures that are
calculated to provoke a resort to violent re-
sistance.
There may be a change of tables. Power
is not stable. It is always stealing from the
many to the few, and unless this government
is entirely perverted from what it was insti-
tuted, the legitimate power will be against
those who now exercise it. The only hope
of retaining the power which is now exer-
cised will be by keeping up that military
force which now sustains it, and wielding it
for the purpose of keeping the power that is
now exercised in the government of the coun-
try, and of crushing out the lust vestige of
freedom in the land. I hope there will soon
be an end to the exercise of this force within
the limits of Maryland. I demand that the
citizens of this State shall have the privilege
of a free vote upon this constitution which we
are now preparing, and which will in a short
time he submitted to them for adoption or
rejection. I trust there will be a free, unre
strained, untrammelled vote. If it be adopt-
ed by such a vote, it is the duty of all citizens
to obey it and conduct themselves under it as
good citizens. I should feel that to be my
duty, and inculcate it as the duty of others.
What I ask in advance is that we may have
an opportunity to express our opinions either |
