is, 'the consent of the governed,' [Remember
that the consent of the governed is the corner
stone of the American constitution and of
American liberty,] much more does a union
of co-equal sovereign States require, as its ba-
sis, the harmony of its members, and their
voluntary co-operation in its organic func-
tions."
The idea of "sovereign States" has been go
much scouted by this convention that we al-
most fear to acknowledge the fact that we be-
lieve it once bad a recognized existence in
every State of the United States. But here we
halve Mr, Everett, acknowledging, in this let-
ter of acceptance that there are such things as
sovereign States; and it gives me courage and
hope when I remember that year after year it
was acknowledged as the generally accepted
sentiment of the people of Maryland. And I
think I could find a few paragraphs from older
and more distinguished statesmen than Mr.
Everett, uttered about the time of the forma-
tion of the government to the same effect.
Such for instance as remarks made by Madi-
son, Hamilton, Mason and others, which have
frequently been referred to, and ought to be
familiar to members of this convention. Gen-
tlemen will remember the language of Mr.
Douglas in his last senatorial effort, which it
would probably be useless to read, but that
such things are so little looked at at the pres-
ent day. He says:
" I don't understand how a man can claim
to be a friend of the Union, and yet be in fa-
vor of war upon ten million of people in the
Union. You cannot cover it up much longer,
under the pretext of love for the Union. War
is disunion, certain, inevitable, final and ir-
repressible. Peace is the only policy that can
save the country."
Peace was considered by very many in that
day the only thing that could save the Union.
it was the policy which should have prevailed,
and the withdrawal of States should have
been acquiesced in temporarily, for the purpose
of restoring the Union by conciliation and
compromise. We surely would have done
better so, and take the chances of restoring;
it by such means, than to have inaugurated
and continued for almost four years such a
terrible tragedy as has been enacted in our
land, now deluged with fraternal blood—
with the hearts of the opposing sections, and
their affections so intensely envenomed against
each other as to be unwilling and utterly un-
fit to live together in union and harmony.
Other great statesmen have entertained
and promulgated the same view. And at
this point I would remind gentlemen of the
views of Mr. Fillmore when last a candidate
for President of the United States. Many
gentlemen on this floor were his supporters,
and I believe a majority of the present con-
vention supported him. He expressed his
views on the election of sectional candidates
for president and vice-president upon his re- |
turn from Europe at the complimentary re-
ception given him in Albany, and I would be
glad if I had his own language before me.
He then declared that the election of sec-
tional candidates for president and vice-
president would be a sufficient cause for dis-
union; that the election of Mr. Fremont for
president and Mr. Dayton for vice-president
would be a sufficient cause for disunion of the
States and would inevitably lead to it. To
bring the matter home to the audience which
he was addressing, he put the question to
them, by a change of tables, and asked them
to suppose themselves in the situation of the
South, and that the South were to do this,
and said they should have no others to rule
over them, what would they do? Would
not they dissolve the Union? And the
unanimous reply was "we would." Gen-
tlemen all over the State of Maryland will
remember that speech. It was published as
a campaign document and spread broadcast
over the State, and read by all who supported
Mr. Fillmore. The majority of this conven-
tion supported him then. They were with
us then, although they have utterly changed
since. The reasons for their change I am not
able to understand.
I would remind gentlemen that the South
made earnest efforts to prevent the collision
that has since occurred. I would remind
them that Virginia proposed the call of a
convention composed of commissioners ap-
pointed by the governors or legislatures of
the different States which had not seceded.
She sent to that convention five of her ablest
men. Most of the States were represented in
that convention. I bad the honor of a seat
in that convention as a commissioner from
Maryland. I have before me the journal of pro-
ceedings of that body. I am familiar with the
votes of the commissioners of the several States
of the North, and I know how persistantly they
opposed everything looking to a settlement or
adjustment, which was likely to prevent the
collision then so imminently threatening. 1
know too how earnestly gentlemen from the
BORDER=0 States urged and hoped for something
to be accomplished that would save the coun-
try from the scenes of bloodshed and anguish
lo which we have been subjected by the un-
happy war in which we have been and are
now involved. These efforts were not met
as they should have been met by the repre-
sentatives of the northern States. It ap-
peared to be their settled purpose to defeat
everything like an acceptable adjustment to
the South. The doings of that convention
will be more closely examined into in the
future than they have hitherto been. So
also will all the efforts that have been made
to prevent the great collision that has taken
place, and each one will have accredited to
him the merit that be deserves. No matter
from what source these efforts came, whether
from the North or from the South, due credit |
