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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 72   View pdf image
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72
importance to their people, they were willing to I
compromise on the representation question. This
was one way in which these gentlemen could
vindicate themselves triumphantly before their
people, if the people desired any other reform in
the Constitution, no matter what.
How could the gentleman from the city of
Baltimore, who sustained the proposition, vindi-
cate themselves ? Here was a proposition to give
the city twenty-four delegates, made by the gen-
tleman to whom be was replying. He had no
doubt that those who sustained the compromise
would vote against that proposition, which could
command but few votes.
Mr. PRESSTMAN. Certainly.
Mr. HOWARD. Why so ? Because these gen-
tlemen were willing, in common with their Re-
form friends of the counties, to rally around the
standard which they had erected by their com-
mon efforts. How were the gentlemen from Bal-
timore to vindicate themselves? They could do
it by pointing to this Union as a common bond of
brotherhood. This would be done whenever
that answer should be given, unless he had mis-
taken the character of the people of the city very
much; both in the counties and the city it would
be perfectly satisfactory.
The people of the State had sent them there
as a business body, to prepare a Constitution for
their approbation, and not to pass their time in
discussing visionary questions. If they did not
present a practical result, he thought none of
them who were living would see another Con-
vention in this State.
Now, how could they obtain this practical re-
sult? Was it not the spirit of the age in which
we live, that the friends of any project whatever
would associate to carry it out? Could a reli-
gious, charitable or political association of any
kind whatever be carried on without first cen-
tralizing the friends of the measure? It was an
every day process. If there was anything in this
age which characterized it more than any other,
it was this spirit of association. Men form into
classes and unite for every conceivable purpose,
and they must do it, or they never could succeed
Was it not right, then, that these gentlemen who
found themselves friends of reform should coal-
esce, and agree to act together, to see bow many
would support a common object? The question
between the gentleman and himself was this :
Whether the people of Baltimore required a Con-
stitution to be made? And if they did, it follow-
ed that the friends of the measure must unite in
supporting it, so as to carry it out by their com-
mon efforts. Was this not true ?
Examine the vote, and they would see that
Baltimore city, Harford, Washington, Montgom-
ery, Allegany and Carroll counties were divided.
Look at the counties for the proposition and
those against it, and the condition of the vote in
the divided counties, and then any one would see
that he was correct in drawing the conclusion,
bat to defeat this measure, was equivalent to de-
feating the Constitution itself.
He would now say a few words in regard to
the amendment under consideration, which was
to district the city of Baltimore. It appeared to
him that the reasonings of the honorable mover
of the proposition would have been very good
and very strong if they had been confirmed by
their experience; but they were not. For ex-
ample, the proposition was to district the city of
Baltimore, that her local interests might be re-
presented there. This was the principle referred
to by him just now. When the city of Baltimore
came to govern itself, it must govern itself by
wards, and distribute its power all over the city;
but when the Legislature dealt with the city of
Baltimore as an unit. If the honorable gentleman
would look over the laws of the State, he
did not think he would find one in fifty that re-
cognized and provided for separate local inter-
ests of the city of Baltimore. Measures of a lo-
cal character, such as the opening of streets, &c.,
were left to the city council. The records would
show that the laws passed by the Legislature,
were for the city entire, and not for any particu-
lar ward. In this respect, the gentleman's re-
marks were not confirmed by experience. He
could not obtain what he very properly proposed
—a representation of the different intereats—any
better than was effected now. According to the
present practice, (he thought gentlemen from the
city would bear him out when he said,) that in
selecting tickets for the Legislature, they almost
uniformly presented gentlemen from the different
sections of the city and of different pursuits in
life. They did this because of its abstract pro-
priety, and they thus presented a ticket which
would include all classes of society, and which
therefore received general support. He would
ask the gentlemen if this was not so?
Mr. PRESSTMAN. Yes, sir.
Mr. HOWARD said, that under the present sys-
tem, selections were made from persons reaiding
in all parts of the city, and from different pursuits
of life. The gentleman desired representatives
of the different interests and different localities
of the city. Well, it was so now. How could
their interests be better ensured by requiring a
little strip to elect one man, and a little strip an-
other man ? There would be no co-operation,
no co-incidence, for it would very likely happen
that they would elect men of the same pursuits,
and thus there would not be so many interests
represented as in the present system, because
there would be no concert in the selection of the
delegates.
There was another objection to this proposi-
tion, which was that it does not prevent fraudu-
lent votes, and that under this system they would
disfranchise a large portion of the people of the
city. He would say, with all respect to the
honorable gentleman who brought forward the
proposition, that the article, if it was made to
conform to the effect which it would produce,
(and he did not speak of the object of the gentle-
man in introducing his proposition,) would justify
the title of an article "to encourage fraudulent
votes."
This would be very easily seen. The city of
Baltimore is a unity, and those persons who re-
side in it for six months are entitled to vote. Mr.
H. said, that the proposition did not provide for a
residence of six months in any separate district


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 72   View pdf image
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