in the city before a person had a right to cast a
vote. It would be very unjust if it did, because
large portions of the population were mechanics
and laboring men, who have to rent houses, and
were obliged to move from ward to ward, as
changing business might require. They must be
indulged in this. It was fair and reasonable;
but. If they were compelled to reside six months
before they would be entitled to a vote, one half
of these persona would be deprived of the elec-
tive franchise. It was fraught with evil as it
now was, being divided into two congressional
districts, because they could move from one dis-
trict to another, two or three hundred voters, to
carry that district. These votes were taken with-
out objection, and voters had a right lo have them
taken when there was a bona fide change of resi-
dence. The honorable gentleman now proposed
to ratify this system. Instead of having two dis-
tricts—a plan fraught with evil now—the gentle-
man proposed to have the whole city divided in-
to little apartments, when the people could move
from one to another two or three days before
the election, and have a right to vote, which right
he, (Mr. Dorsey,) did not propose to destroy.
Under such a system they might calculate how ma-
ny votes would benecessary to carry a certain district,
and transfer them from a district in which
they already had a majority, to the other. This,
however, was not fraudulent voting, because it
was legal. But could not any one see that this
was corrupting popular franchise, or at least that
it had a tendency to corrupt it? It would be im-
possible to avoid this result, unles it was required
that persons should reside in a district six months
before they would be entitled to vote, which
would be unjust.
Mr. BRENT of Baltimore city in reply to Mr.
HOWARD, said that he was quite sure a sense of
justice in the Convention would accord to him
the floor, in order that he might defend himself
from the unprovoked attack made upon him by
the gentleman from Baltimore county, (Mr.
Howard.) This attack was the more remarka-
ble, considering that their personal relations du-
ring the session had not been at all friendly. It
seems that I have committed the unforgiveable
sin, of acting in this Convention for myself,
upon my own conscience and responsibility,
without defering to the superior judgment of
others. Yes, sir, the sin of simply voting now,
and speaking on this subject of representation
consistently with the positions and declarations
taken and made by me long ago, and then approved
and sanctioned by gentlemen who had
subsequently gone in for compromise measures.
Mr, PRESSTMAN. Will you name them.
Mr. BRENT. Not here, because I dislike to
introduce names unnecessarily, but I will give
the names to you or any one else in private.
Mr. GWINN, Have you any objection to giv-
ing the names in public,
Mr BRENT. The gentleman I allude to, is
not now in the hall, but I can and will satisfy
any gentleman who will call on me for information.
I do not allude to this matter, to censure oth-
10 |
ers, but to show that my course at the time in-
dicated, was sanctioned by at least one of the
most distinguished of our members, who has
since conscientiously become a compromise man,
while I have not.
I have taken and maintained this position, and
will to the end, and I ana responsible alone to
my constituents. For doing this and exercising
the democratic privilege of expressing my inde-
pendent sentiments, I am to be lectured and in-
timidated by the gentleman from Baltimore
county [Mr. Howard.] Great as that gentleman's
position has been— high as his station has been,
I tell him that there are no terrors in his
brow that can drive me from my position here.
That gentleman has thought proper to travel
from his own county to stand between me and
my constituency, and has said that for a quarter
of a century he had resided with and represen-
ted their sentiments whenever he wished it,
except on one occasion.
I have nothing to say about his knowledge of
the sympathies and wants of the people twenty-
five years ago, and nothing to say in regard to
the course of that gentleman so long ago, but I
speak of the present time, and for the men whom
now I have the honor in part to represent. What-
ever might have been considered correct twen-
ty-five years ago, the people are not now going
to be satisfied with it. I think I know the senti-
ments of the people of Baltimore city as well,
or indeed better, than that gentleman. He sup-
poses that because he once knew the wants of
this people, he is now entitled ex cathedra, to
speak for them. But I can tell him that there
is a new generation of men since then, and con-
siderations are operating now which did not
then.
The gentleman from Baltimore county has
said, that my course was designed effectually to
destroy all hopes of a new Constitution.
Mr. HOWARD. I did not say "designed," but
the word was "calculated."
Mr. BRENT. Well, then, my course, he says,
is calculated, to destroy all chance of obtaining a
new Constitution. That gentleman is welcome
to his opinion, but it does not weigh a feather
with me. I think for myself and do not consider
such an adjustment of the question of representation,
as that gentleman has advocated, would at
all strengthen the chances of the new Constitu-
tion being adopted, but on the contrary, would
greatly prejudice and hinder its success,
That gentleman, (Mr Howard.) had exercis-
ed the privilege of expressing his opinion upon
my course, and instead of combating or meeting
my arguments, has undertaken to crush and des-
troy me with the weight of his name, and the
expression of his opinion against my conduct.
I now claim the equal privilege of expressing
my opinion touching that gentleman's public con-
duct, and I charge upon his head, more than any
other man's in this body, the entire responsibility
of the delay to organise and the final defeat of
a reform organization of this Convention, in the
beginning of the session.
That gentleman has moreover said, that the |
