down correctly by the gentleman from Anne
Arundel—that the popular branch should contain
a representation of all the interests of the agri-
cultural, manufacturing and laboring classes and
the houseless and landless man had as much right
to have his wishes represented there as the opu-
lent banker. It was for this purpose that the
House of Delegates should be of a sufficient number
to represent all interests. The interest of
all classes should be expressed there, and for
that purpose all portions of the community should
be encouraged to send representatives. He
would, hereafter, when he commented upon the
amendment of the gentleman, from Anne Arun-
del, show that the doctrine was not attained by
the amendment.
But he would now explain why he thought the
course of the gentleman from Baltimore city was
destructive to the dearest wishes of the people
whom he represented. He, (Mr. H„) had a
right to say this. The representatives of that
city were divided on this subject. Three of
them, tried and trust-worthy gentlemen as could
be found in the State, had acted as he had, and
had acted too, in opposition to the gentleman,
[Mr Brent,] from Baltimore city, and they en-
tertained the same sentiments as be, (Mr. H„)
did. It was time that the people of the city
should understand this case. They had a right
to understand it, and would understand it at
some period, and it might as well be explained
now as at any other time, and here as at any other
place.
The Reform party, as such, chose to assemble
together, and compared their views upon the
question of representation. It had been clear to
his mind, ever since the Convention was organi-
sed, that this representation question could be settled
only on a compromise basil, and in no other
way. Look at the position of the State—the vast
amount of population in the city, and the small
number of inhabitants in the counties, and the
inequality in the populations of the various coun-
ties. Look at the conflicting interests, and then
see if they could adopt any new abstract rule —
Adopt any one at all, and they would see that
there was a majority against any given rule.
Therefore, an absolute necessity existed of mak-
ing a compromise in the matter among the friends
of the measure. This was done. There was a
free, frank, candid and generous intercourse be-
tween those gentlemen in that body who were
known as reformers—those who desired some
alteration in the present Constitution—in the
origin or which meeting he had not the honor of
participating. He found it in existence. How
it came up, upon whose invitation, why others
were not members of it who were friends of re-
form, he did not know. Whether it was confined
to reformers upon the representation question he
was not prepared to say. He found that the friends
of reform and representation had come together
without regard to parties. Then it was that he
dated his knowledge upon this subject. They
agreed upon a basis at last.
Bach member of that body, to a given number
which it was not worth while to state, came for-
ward and surrendered his personal predilections |
upon this matter of common interest—each one
yielding a portion of his favorite plan. In this
manner, they arrived at the result which had
been presented to this body in a practical shape
by the gentleman from Washington, (Mr. Fiery )
This proposition received the united support of
all those gentlemen who participated in that
meeting, without regard to parties, and who had
agreed to standby a compromise. Now, if it
was right, if it was true that this question could
be settled as a question of compromise only, then
be would say that in his judgment that proposition
must prevail or none, because the moment
they departed from this common platform, each
would stand upon his local preferences. No ma-
jority existed in favor of any one proposition.
This was why be said that the gentleman from
Baltimore city, instanding out, in refusing to con-
cur with those persons who were recognized as
reformers in that body, had been one of those
(and they had been but few,) who had so far de-
feated this proposition, and on this proposition
now defeated, so the Constitution would stand or
fall, in his opinion, when subnutted for adoption
by the people.
It bad been suggested by the gentleman, that
they might form a Constitution and make no
change in the present representation basis. This
appeared to him entirely imperceptible. They
must get over that stumbling block—they must
overleap it or fall down upon it. If they did not
overleap it, they would stumble and fall, and not
be able to proceed any farther in the formation
of an acceptable Constitution.
Therefore it was that he said that the course
pursued by the honorable gentleman, in standing
out against this common opinion of his reform
associates, and insisting on his own projets, was
as well calculated to defend the Constitution as
if he had refused to uphold it. Let him illustrate
the matter. In analyzing the vote that was ta-
ken upon the proposition of Mr. FIERY, it would
be found that the nine following counties voted
unanimously against it: St. Mary's, Kent, Anne
Arundel, Calvert, Charles, Somerset, Dorches-
ter, Prince George's and Worcester. He thought
it would be generally conceded that the repre-
sentatives of these counties were not classed
among the Reformers; for here they were associ-
ated in a solemn phalanx against his proposition.
Now, the following counties unanimously voted
for it : Baltimore county. Talbot, Cecil, Queen
Anne's, Frederick, and Caroline—making six.
Four counties upon the Eastern Shore voted for
this liberal proposition to the city of Baltimore
voted to disfranchise themselves, with a gener-
osity scarcely ever surpassed in any deliberative
body. Why did they do this? How came these
small counties to vote unanimously for this pro-
position ? Why, when these gentlemen who gave
this vote should be called upon to vindicate themselves,
they could do it triumphantly by pointing
to the state of the vote to which be was alluding,
and by saying that this was a compromise agreed
to by their associates, and as such they support-
ed it, for the purpose of obtaining the other mea-
sures of Reform which the people desired to see
adopted, and looking to ulterior results of great |
