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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 118   View pdf image
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118
zen, and as individuals are equal to the people
of any district, yet it cannot he denied, that men
collected in large masses, within a small compass,
are less submissive to the just restraints of
authority, and more ungovernable, than when
dispersed over a large surface. The crowd never
reasons, but when operated on by any strong
feeling of resentment or desire, takes counsel
from its passions; and is ever liable to become the
victim of the arts of demagogues and evil disposed
and to be driven headlong to its object over the
Constitution the laws and private right. This
is the occasional history of all cities. Baltimore,
I regret to say, is not an exception. More
than once in her history, has the mob triumphed
over the law, and sacrificed private properly, the
works of art, and even human life, to appease its
fury. And every year, almost every month
there is some demonstration, more or less strong.
that the same lawless spirit still exists, and only
requires some strong motive to bring it out with
all its lamentable violence. If such things have
been done against the law, what may not be expected
when the unrestrained power of making
the laws shall be given to a population thus I able
to be led away? I repeat, Mr President I have
no prejudices against the city of Baltimore. I
believe the people of that city are as moral, as
just, and as patriotic, as the people of any other
city, but the facts to which I have referred are
undeniable. They are perhaps inseparable from
the condition of any people collected in large
masses, and they finish a conclusive reason, if
there were no other, why I should be unwilling
to trust them with the measure of political pow-
er which is claimed, and which, in the present
condition of Maryland, would be an unlimited
power to control the legislation of the State,
But there are still other reasons, which are
conclusive with me in denying her the power she
claims. She is the market, both of purchase and
sale, for the whole State, and must continue to
be, and it would be exceedingly unwise and likely
to lead to the worst consequences, if she were
invested with power to make the laws regulating
trade in that city. That feeling of self interest
which actuates all men and all bodies, would
prompt her to frame these laws, to suit her own
interests. Who doubts that such laws would be
prejudicial to the counties? Why, sir, with the
limited authority she has heretofore had there
has been a constant conflict between the city and
other portions of the State, as to legislation of
this description And that conflict admonishes
us of the impolicy of investing her with unrestrained
power over the subject. She would
frame those laws for her own advantage, and her
gain would be our loss. She is also rapidly ex-
tending her commerce beyond the limits of the
State—she is exerting all her energies to attract
to her market the trade of the neigh boring States
and especially of the West, which is all right and
commendable; but when secure of political pow-
er, is there no danger that she will court favors
and seek attachments beyond the limits of the
State, winch may be prejudicial to us ?
Looking, Mr. President, at the present and
prospective condition of that city, her popula-
tion, her relations to other portions of the State,
her trade within and without the State, and her
desire to extend her commercial connections—
while I concede to her people purity and patrio-
tism equal to our own, and not more selfishness
than is to be found elsewhere I am not willing to
trust her with the control of the State. I am not
influenced by any feeling of unkindness to that
city. I am proud of her rapid increase in wealth
and population—I am proud of her patriotism—
her enterprise--her renown—her monuments I
hope she will travel on, for long time to come,
with accelerated pace, in the pathway of prosperity,
but I am not willing to trust her altogether
to herself, much less to give her control over the
whole State? And sir, is there any thine wrong
or unjust in this? Is she not a child of the State
and the object of its bounty? Has she not been
built up by its fostering care? Is she not indeb-
ted for her present position to the beneficence of
the State? Is not her wealth, in a great degree,
male up of contributions from the counties?
Haven't the people of the whole State been
taxed to open new channels through which might
flow into her lap the commerce of surrounding
States ? Is she not, in truth the grand depository
of the wealth of the State ? And is it any
thing very strange, or very improper, that the
State should be unwilling to yield her authority
to her creature, and abandon herself to its control?

Mr President Baltimore city, even with a delegation
no larger than that of the largest county,
has exercised an influence over the legislation of
the State at least five times greater than that.
of any county. Has there been a single mea-
sure she has desired, save the increase of her
delegation, which she has not ultimately car-
ried? Was it not her influence exerted on the
Legislature, which commenced the vast schemes
of internal improvement, and plunged the State
in inc enormous debt, which now hangs over us?
Gentlemen tell us that the particular works
which have been constructed for her benefit are
profitable, and have made ample returns to the
treasury,
But is this so? Were not the Susquehanna rail
road and tide water canal emphatically Baltimore
works, and are they not both largely in arrears?
both have railed to pay the interest on the ad-
vances made for their construction, and are now
indebted to the State over one million of dollars
on this account. And will it be pretended that
the appropriations for the Chesapeake and Ohio
Canal made by the three millions bid. and eight
millions bill, were not made by the influence and
aid of Baltimore city ? And do not these manifestations
of her power, exercised through her
limited representation, warn us against the increase
she now asks? If these things are done
in the green tree, what may we not expect in
the dry?
We are warned loo against increasing the pow-
er of Baltimore city by the threats which we
have heard from that quarter. We were told a
day or two ago) by the gentleman from Baltimore
city, (Mr. Brent,) that we had .better agree to
her demands) or she would lake in the House and


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 118   View pdf image
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