give us to part with our political power. Of
what avail is that provision of the Constitution,
when we give them a controlling power in the
State and consequently the ability to change it?
Sir I have not much confidence in constitutional
securities unless power is lodged in the hands of
those for whose benefit such securities are given,
to prevent a change of the Constitution, This
provision ofthe C.institution which we are told
will be an ample defence against every attack on
this interest, may be changed with the same
ease, and almost with the same rapidity of an
ordinary act of Assembly. And who doubts that
it will be changed if we yield to the demands
now made upon us ?
Mr President, I utter my own feelings, and I
believe, the feelings of those whom I represent,
when I say, we ire not attached to slavery fur
the sake of slavery. We are not enamoured of
its beauties. We are fully aware of its evils,
and can appreciate the better fortune of that so-
ciety in which it never existed. But, sir, the
time has long gone by when we are permitted to
look at the subject in that light. We have it
among us; we have had it for almost or quite
two centuries. It has become interwoven with
our habits and our interests; it forms a part
of our domestic associations; our means are
invested in it and a mutual dependance has grown
up between the races. Sir, this association, if
not inseparable, cannot at least be severed with-
out a convulsion, the extent and consequences of
which no man can estimate. It would cause the
amputation of an important limb of society,
which would involve health, if not the existence
of the whole body. How is it to be done? in
emancipation, to remain among us, we see greater
evils than even in slavery itself. At the forcible
expulsion of the black race, the heart revolts
as an act of unmitigated cruelly, and asks, where
will they find an asylum? The history of the
world furnishes no instance, except by the mi-
raculous interposition of Divine Providence,
where any country has been got rid of its entire
population, or of an entire class of its population,
by voluntary emigration and colonization, and
demonstrates the utter inadequacy of that means
to rid ns of our black population. How, then,
are we to get rid of slavery ? Is it not more
tolerable and more humane to continue it, than
to adopt any of the inodes of ridding ourselves,
which have been suggested ? And, while it
continues as it does, from necessity, why shall
it not have the political weight which belongs to
it, and which has heretofore been accorded to it.
Mr. President, in apportioning political pow-
er in this State, we cannot overlook the city of
Baltimore. We are forced to consider the mag-
nitude and probable increase of that city; the
character of her population; her relations to other
portions of the State, and how far her interests
are in harmony with the State at large; and the
dangers to be apprehended from her power.
Baltimore city now numbers 169,013 inhabi-
tants—very nearly one-third of the whole popu-
lation of the State. The increase has been, and |
is, progressing with an almost incredible rapidity.
I read from a table compiled from the census,
from 1790 to 1850, both inclusive, from which
the rapid growth of Baltimore appears:
Slaves F. Col White. Total.
1790, 1,25? 323 11,925 13,503
1800, . 2,843 2,771 20,900 26514
1810 4,672 5671 36,212 6,555
1820, 4,357, 10,321 48.055 62.739
1830, 4,120 14,791 61,710 80620
1840, 3.199 17,967 81,147 102313
1850, 2,946 24,668 141,440 169,012
The increase of the city, is out of all propor-
tion with the increase of the residue of the State.
In 179 , the population ofthe whole State, ex-
clusive of the city of Baltimore, was three hun-
dred and six thousand two hundred and twenty-
five; in 1850, it was four hundred and thirteen
thousand nine hundred and sixty-two; which is
an increase of not quite one-third in the same
the population of the city, has increased more
than twelve and a half times. At the same ratio
of increase, and we find ihat at every decenial
period, it has proceeded with increased rapidity,
it will not be long before the city will have a
population equal to the whole State beside Du-
ring the present century this will probably be
the case.
If, then, this city is to have a representation
according to population, which she now claims,
it will nor be long before she will have an abso-
lute majority in the legislature, and the whole
government of the State will be under her un-
controlled dominion. It is true, the particular
measure I am now considering does not propose
to give her so large an influence; but it departs
almost entirely from the principle of territorial
representation, and advocates numbers as the
true basis for the rural districts; and if this be
proper, no reason can be assigned, why it ought
not to be applied to the city.
In determining what power may safely be en-
trusted to the city of Baltimore, we are neces-
sarily led to consider of what materials her vast
and increasing population is composed It can-
not be denied, that a very large portion of her
population is made up of foreigners, who are not
yet entitled to the privileges of American citi-
zens; and another large portion, is composed of
a shifting and unstable mass, who are mere so-
journers here to-day and gone to-morrow. These
classes have no real interest in the affairs of Ma-
ryland—they are entitled to no part of her glory
and renown—her prosperity will not enhance
their fortunes, and they will not share her re-
versrs. On no just principle ought they to be
enumerated to increase her political weight,
Again, while it is admitted ihat the people of
Baltimore, are nut inferior to the population of
an other city, of the same or greater magnitude,
in all the qualities which constitute a good citi- |
