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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 119   View pdf image
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119
the Senate too, the power which belongs to her
numbers. And how was she to get it ? Was
there any mode of obtaining the consummation of
her wishes except by a change of the Constitution
in the manner prescribed?
Is there any authority above the Constitution ?
Sir, there is a deep meaning in this threat We
heard from a very high quarter not long ago,
that unless the popular wish for Conventional
reform was soon gratified by the legislature, its
sanction would not much longer be invoked; and
during this session, we have heard the rights of
the majority proclaimed to be above the Consti-
tution. Is it the practical assertion of this doc-
trine, which at once strikes down the Constitution,
and prostrates every right under the law of
the strongest, to which the gentleman from Bal-
timore city looks ?
Does he speak the sentiments of his constituents?
If so, the counties, instead of yielding up
power, should draw the rein of authority lighter,
Every concession wrung from their fears, is a
link in the chain, which ultimately will bind
them.
Sir, this threat, and these doctrines, are alarm-
ing. They portend a storm which may over-
whelm every thing valuable, every thing conservative
in our institutions I beg gentlemen from
the counties to note them well, and before it is too
late to adopt measures of safety and security.
Mr. President, we are told that territory is
represented in the Senate, and there the small
counties have a check on the larger counties and
the city, sufficiently strong for their protection.
Theoretically this may be true; but practically
we find it is no check at all. The Senate is
elected for six years, and the members of that
body rarely wish, or will consent to accept a second
term When they have reached that point,
they have enjoyed all their particular constituents
can give; and they turn their eyes for future
advancement to the aggregate popular vote of
the State, or to the vote of the Legislature. The
consequence is, their effort is not to protect their
particular constituents, but to conciliate that
power in the State, which can alone confer on
them additional honors and advancement. The
territorial representation in the Senate is, there-
fore, not a sufficient, or rather not a reliable
means of protection for the small counties. They
must look to the House, which is composed of
men who look for support to their particular
counties alone, and whose conduct is frequently
submitted to the approval of their constituents
We have seen, Mr. President, that the safety
of the smaller counties, will be greatly endang-
ered by any material changes in the basis of re-
presentation. Now let me ask why make the
change? It is not alleged that they have abused
their trust No oppression is complained of. No
act of legislation, injuriously affecting the interest
of Baltimore or the west, has been pointed out
They have asked for no measure which had been
refused. I have been an attentive observer of
t ia iic a "., and in its whole course, not one act
has been complained of. We have inflicted no
hardships we have been guilty of no opression;
on the contrary we have uniformly treated our
brethren with fraternal kindness; we have gener-
ously taxed ourselves for their benefit, and still
are willing to extend to them our aid and sup-
port, in every prudent measure of improvement;
yet we are asked to yield up power we have
never abused and which is essential to our own
protection. And why? Gentlemen assign no
other reason, than what they are pleased to term,
the rights of the people—the abstract right of
the majority to rule! And when they have got
all they claim, of what profit will it be to them?
Will the resources of the west be more rapidly
developed? Will the miner work with more
vigor, and the husbandman of the west, gather
richer harvests ? Will Baltimore extend her
commerce further ? Will her artizans enjoy
greater facilities, or her wealth more rapidly ac-
cumulate? Will there be more freedom? Will
the privileges of the citizen be better secured,
or the rights of property more respected, than
now? No sir, no—it is not pretended!
But, sir, my friend from Carroll, (Mr. Brown,)
charges, that we have no respect for the people
of western Maryland Have we not uniformly
given the most substantial evidences of our respect,
for our western brethren? Look at our
statute books, and you will find them filled with
the proofs of our respect and regard for them.
How have we shown our want of respect? The
gentleman says, we have not accorded to the
people of the west, the same political power according
to numbers, which we claim for ourselves.
And pray sir, when did the gentleman
perceive, there was any thing in this disrespect-
ful to the people of the west? He did not al-
ways think so. We are standing on the plat-
form of 1836; we are contending for the distribution
of political power then determined on.
and the gentleman himself had a very great
agency in framing the act of that year I be-
lieve sir, he claims to have written that act
Mr. BROWN explained He did not claim any
credit any more than for being on the committee
and using all his efforts to get more Reform;
and as he had said the other day, the Chairman
of that committee remarked that he was the
most troublesome man on the committee.
Mr. CRISFIELD continued, the gentleman at
all events signed the report, and voted for the
bill. But a change has now come over the spir-
it of his dream. We are standing where he
stood; we are advocating his measures Does
our want of respect then consist in not changing
with the gentleman? But this was not his only
charge; and must we follow him in all his chang-
es? If our refusal to do this be disrespectful to
the people of the west, why sir, I for one, am
obnoxious to the gentleman's change; and I am
very much inclined to think, I shall continue to
sin in the same way.
Here, then, Mr. President, was sought a change
in the distribution of political power, an abandonment
of the principle of territorial represen-
tation under which we have lived and prospered
for two centuries. It was not sought because
it had been productive of any practical evil.
It was not sought because the change was
expected to improve and benefit any portion


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 119   View pdf image
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  << PREVIOUS  NEXT >>


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