E. Shore exclu- Whites Free. Slaves Total.
sive of Cecil 62,796 21,431 25,314 109 540
Tide Water co
W. Shore, 50,322 11,104 47,727 109,153
W.Maryland in-
clusive of Ce-
cil co., 164,937 15 880 14,450 195,269
Baltimore city, 141,440 24 688 2946 169,054
It is impossible that the interests of every part
of a State thus situated, can be homogeneous.
There must be a conflict, and hence the necessity
of so distributing political power, as that no
portion shall be beyond the control of the others,
but that each shall have sufficient strength to
check any course of policy which may be inju-
rious to it. Can any one doubt that the mining
and manufacturing interests of Baltimore city
and the West, have no sympathy with the grain
growing and tobacco regions of the East. The
former has an immediate and powerful motive to
direct the wealth and patronage of the State, to
the development of the mineral resources and
improvement of the manufacturing facilities of
that region; and hence come gigantic schemes of
internal improvement, and following in their
train, come public debt and heavy taxes.
The East has no interest in such policy. Sir,
our experiences on this subject, are sad and full
of warning. We are at this moment struggling
under a debt of near sixteen millions of dollar
created to benefit Baltimore, and develop the re-
sources of the West: and the people are daily
contributing from their private resources, the in-
terest on a very large part of this vast sum We,
of the East, while we receive no advantage
whatever, and never will, are obliged to contri-
bute equally with our brethren of the city and
the West, who are daily receiving benefits from
these expenditures, of which their contributions.
in comparison would not form a tythe. If this
course of policy could be adopted, and these con-
sequences produced under the present distribu-
tion of political power, what may we not ex-
pect. when the city and the West shall have
gained uncontrolled possession of the State Gov-
ernment? Will they be more careful of the
public funds, and less willing to burden us with
fixation, when they shall have obtained the unrestricted
use of the treasury ?
Another subject of not less importance press-
es itself on our consideration. It is a subject
which at once affects our pecuniary condition,
our domestic security, and our political weight.
I wish its consideration would be avoided; but it
is every day becoming more and more delicate
and difficult of management; and it comes, to us
now in such an imposing shape, and enters so
largely into the very question we are considering.
that we ought not to, if we could, to shut our eyes
to it. It will be readily understood, that I refer
to the subject of slavery. In the table I have
just read, the unequal distribution of slavery in
the different parts of the State, very clearly ap-
pears.
In the city and the west slave labor is not pro- |
ductive, and if it were the proximity of that region,
to a free States and the consequent facilities
for escape, render slavery almost impractica-
ble, and slave property worthless. In the city of
Baltimore there is a large infusion of northern
and anti-slavery sentiment, and the people along
the Pennsylvania bonier, partake of the opinions
prevalent in that State, and have a strong distaste
to the institution of slavery. And this not
strange they should, for they are exposed to all
the evils of slavery, without its advantage. They
therefore have, and from the nature of things can
have, no strong sympathy with the slave-holder.
Their interests are not concerned to sustain his
rights; on the contrary, in their judgment, their
interests would be best promoted by an opposite
course. The tendency of the times, and the
coarse of events, in and out of the State, are well
calculated to increase, and are increasing these
anti-slavery ideas. I admit, there are no manifestations
of a wish for the immediate abolition
of slavery in this State; it is quite likely, that
the anti-slavery ideas which are afloat ill the
quarter alluded to, have not yet assumed the defi-
nite form of abolition even in the minds of those
who entertain them; yet they will progress, and
sooner of later, will bring the public sentiment
of that region, to that conclusion. Already do
we see, in the very proposition I am considering,
an effort, and we hear from gentlemen from the
west an ardent with expressed, to deprive the
slave-holding regions of a portion of that politi-
cal power which they have heretofore, enjoyed
in consideration of their slaves. Mr. President,
the first assault, which northern abolitionists
made on the rights of the slave holding States,
was a blow directed against the political power
of slavery. Here we see now, for the first time,
the same war begun; let us be mindful of its con-
sequences before we go further. With these
farts, which cannot be denied, staring us in the
face, is it prudent, or wise, or even safe, to
entrust a control over this, as well as all other
subjects, to those, whose interest it is to curtail
the influence and extent of slavery, and ulti-
mately lo abolish it entirely? I appeal to gen-
tlemen from the slaveholding counties; I appeal
to the gentleman from Talbot, (Mr Lloyd,) to
consider this subject; to reflect on the magnitude
of the dangers to which they are exposing their
constituents, and themselves, by submitting to
the demands of the west, and the city, and giv-
ing absolute control over this subject to those
who have no interest in common with us, who do
not know, and cannot be made to feel, how deep-
ly slavery is interwoven with our security and
happiness, and what a convulsion its abolition
would occasion,
But, I am told, that public sentiment in this
State, is sound on this subject; and as an evi-
dence of it, I am pointed to the vote of this body,
to incorporate an article in the new Constitution,
that the Legislature shall have no power to dis-
turb the relation of master and slave Mr. Pre-
sident, that vote is merely a sop thrown Cerberus,
to keep him quiet while he is being bound.
That is the bonus which our friends of the West |
