purpose of waging war against the country
while within the BORDER=0s of this State, and
near many of the cities of this State, armed
invaders have been despoiling and murdering
our loyal citizens—I did feel that it was
eminently proper that this Convention, repre
senting the people of Maryland, should leave
on record that in this time of the nearness of
the enemy, they thought it meet and right to
express our continued devotion to the Union
and our desire to preserve it at every hazard
And I do hope there is in this Conven-
tion a spirit that would lead us, even if the
enemy were knocking at our doors, to fling
them as bold and free a defiance as if our
soil was free from the foot of the invader
I do not understand why any citizen of
Maryland, with the voice of her people so
strongly and decidedly against the invasion
of her soil, should not be prompt to rebuke
the invader.
This is almost the first instance in the his-
tory of nations, where there has been the
slightest degree of reluctance on the part of
the representatives of the people of a State
to rebuke those invading her soil. It has
not been alone those who agree with me in
political sentiments who have suffered. Even
those who have sympathized with this re-
bellion have been sufferers. I do think that
this Convention, without any personal feel-
ing, but as an eminent duty to the people of
this State, in its position to a certain extent
as the leaders of public opinion in this State
should express themselves clearly, unmis-
takably and loyally.
I agree perfectly with the suggestion of
my colleague (Mr'. Stirling,) that if this re-
solution is allowed to pass quietly, I at least
will not demand the yeas and nays. But I
was sorry that those gentlemen who did not
desire to go upon the record upon this propo-
sition, had not quietly intimated that no op-
position would be made to it, and requester
that the yeas and nays should not be called.
In regard to what the gentlemen from Ken
(Mr. Chambers) has said about natural sym-
pathy, I can well understand that sympathy
of blood may exist, while we deprecate the
action of those near and dear to us; that the
sympathy created by the lies of blood might
be very strong, and that the heart of the
father and brother may bleed at the necessi-
ties of this war, while his loyalty might con-
demn the act of those thus dear to him. I
have no doubt that when the Roman Brutus
put his son to death, his heart was torn by-
paternal affection and feeling, though he felt
that duty to his country required that his
own hand should aim the blow at the life of
his son. It is solely against the act that this
resolution is offered; that the people of Mary-
land should not do, what no other nation or
people mentioned in the history of the world
has ever done, if they would preserve their
existence as a nation or people, sympathize |
with those who have invaded their soil, and
not rebuke them.
Mr. CHAMBERS. I ask permission to re-
move what, from the remarks of the gentle-
man from Baltimore city (Mr. Cushing) might
by some be supposed to be the motives that
operated upon me, in what I said to the
Convention a few moments since. The gen-
tlennan took the ground, not objectionable at
all, of a patriotic expression of sympathy
with the Union on the part of this body. I
say again—I have had occasion once before
to allude to if—that there is no man in this
body, I do not care in what terms he can ex-
press himself, who was more opposed to the
collision that has been brought about, than
the person who now addresses you. And I
go further, and say that there is no man in
this body who has done more to prevent it,
I was a member, and the presiding officer, of
a body that met under the name of southern
rights for tire purpose, as far as we could, of
taking some steps to secure what we sup-
posed to be our constitutional privileges.
There were one or two individuals—for I be-
lieve there were not more, although the cha-
racter of that meeting has been very much
belied—there were one or two individuals
there who were then advocates for secession.
And I claim the credit of thoroughly extin-
guishing any effort of that kind made on that
occasion.
I have been at other public assemblages ;
I have published other speeches; I have ad-
dressed the constituency of my county on
this subject. There is the record. I have not
drawn up resolutions expressed in idle terms,
or offensive terms, or fulminating terms, or
in any other kind of terms, for the purpose of
going abroad. But I have deliberately in
my office, in my closet, in my home as well
as elsewhere, publicly pronounced and de-
clared this state of feeling and opinion on all
occasions. There is no one who regrets more
than I do the disastrous consequences result-
ing from a dismemberment of this Union.
It does not follow that I agree, as ten thou-
sand others do not agree, to the mode by
which its restoration has been attempted.
The most distinguished men in the country,
men whose patriotism is undoubted, begin-
ning with President Lincoln himself, have
doubted whether the means adopted were the
best. At one time they thought that coer-
cion was the very means of continuing this
dismemberment.
I have no objection to any resolution which
expresses our desire to see the Union re-es-
tablished; which expresses our regret and
our sorrow at its dismemberment. What I
regret is the disposition to place me, under
the term of sympathizer, which is suscepti-
ble of so many constructions, in a position
where I must denounce the political senti-
ments I entertain by voting against the reso-
lution; or on the other hand by voting for it |
