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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 788   View pdf image (33K)
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788
Keefer, McComas, Mitchell, Miller, Mullikin,
Murray, Noble, Nyman, Parker, Pugh, Pur-
nell, Russell, Schley, Scott, Smith, of Car-
roll, Sneary, Stirling, Stockbridge, Swope,
Sykes, Todd, Valliant, Wickard, Wilmer,
Wooden—50.
Mr. STIRLING. As there is a quorum pres-
ent, I move that further proceedings under
the call be dispensed with.
The motion was agreed to.
The question recurred upon the adoption
of the resolution submitted by Mr. CUSHING.
Mr. STIRLING. I perceive there is a dispo-
sition on the part of a certain portion of this
house to endeavor to prevent being placed
in a position, which, whether rightfully or
wrongfully, they seem desirous not to be
placed in. Now, lam desirous that the time
of this Convention should not be spent in
discussions of such matters as these, but that
we shall proceed to the consideration of mat-
ters more directly before us. I would sug-
gest, therefore, that there be a general under
standing that the yeas and nays shall not be
called. I do not desire to place any gentle-
man in a position that he does not like to oc-
cupy.
Mr. DENT. As one of the other side, the
opposition, alluded to by the gentleman from
Baltimore city (Mr. Stirling,) I would say
that I am not unwilling to appear on the re-
cord by yeas and nays. And I am willing
to stand or fall by my vote on this resolu-
tion.
Mr. CHAMBERS. I heard, while at the door,
a statement of the contents of this resolution
I have not yet heard it read.
The resolution was then read.
Mr. CHAMBERS. I was about to say that I
regret exceedingly that this resolution should
have been offered. It is a perfectly well-
known fact that there are several gentlemen
in this Convention who are in the condition I
am in. Two branches of my family are resi-
dent in the South. They went there long before
this unfortunate civil war occurred, long
before the first elements of this contest ap-
peared. I have relations there near and dear
I have children and grandchildren in the
South, who did not go there for the purpose
of engaging in this contest, but who were
resident there long before this war began
Now, if sympathy is correctly understood
to mean any feeling of regard, of course
cannot but sympathize with my own flesh and
blood. I can say with my hand on my heart
and with a clear conscience, appealing to the
Supreme Being who knows every word and
thought and act of my life, that so far as I
understand the laws of my country I have
not violated them in any one particular. I
have not afforded aid or comfort to the enemy
I have not done anything unbecoming a loyal
citizen of the State of Maryland, or of the
United States.
Why then place me in the condition of
expressing a sentiment which, construed in
one way, that revolts every natural feeling of
the human heart—the feelings which must be
in the bosom of every man who is sensible of
the very first element that God Almighty has
planted in his soul—that of affection for his
own offspring; or on the other band, put it
in the power of persons who are malignantly
disposed, to say that I am a sympathizer with
the South, with the enemy of my country,
and disloyal? Is there any advantage to be
gained by it? When gentlemen attempt to
put their friends and neighbors and associates
on this floor in this position, cui bono—to
what end? Does it do any good to the
country? Does it do any harm to the enemy ?
Does it accomplish any purpose upon earth
except to gratify—if there be such a feeling
anywhere, which I trust there is not—to
gratify a malignant desire to embarrass
honorable and respectable gentlemen by
placing them in a position where they must
do one of two things, either of which is
offensive to them ?
I therefore do say, while I regret the in-
troduction of this resolution—while I think
it out of place, not at all in conformity with
the objects of our presence here—the objects for
which we were sent here—not promotive of
any object or any particular end which the
Convention by its organization was intended
to accomplish; while I regret it on this
account, still I thank the gentleman from
Baltimore city (Mr. Stirling) for the sugges-
tion he has made. I do think he is entitled
to the thanks of the whole Convention. I
would much rather the resolution should be
withdrawn, and that the feelings of gentle-
men who occupy the condition I have stated,
should not be wounded by their being made
to do one of two things, either to vote for
the resolution or against it.
But I rose to express my acknowledg-
ments to the gentleman from Baltimore city,
'or the kind effort on his part to save the
feelings of gentlemen, who, in my conscience,
I believe—and for one I know—to be as
faithful citizens of the State as any individual
who can use on the one hand the most offen-
sive terms, or on the other, terms of the
highest admiration; and I say this in a feel-
ing of all kindness, with a disposition to
avoid irritation, with a desire to see the busi-
ness of the Convention proceed legitimately,
without being interrupted by exciting ques-
tions that can produce nothing but mischief.
Mr. CUSHING. I would like to explain the
reasons which prompted me to introduce this
resolution. I was prompted by no personal
feeling of any kind; by no desire to put gen-
tlemen who are members of this Convention
in any false position. But I conceived it
eminently necessary and proper, while the
soil of Maryland has been and is now in-
vaded by the enemy, many of them citizens
of Maryland who have left her soil for the


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 788   View pdf image (33K)
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