"Yet fines, duties, or taxes may properly
and justly be imposed or laid on persons or
property, with a political view, for the good
of the government and the benefit of" the
community."
Under that clause you have the right to
tax every man in the State, if be has wages
amounting to $100 a year even. Under this
provision, if you put a provision in the Con-
stitution conferring this power upon the Legis-
lature, you may tax every man in the State
who makes $50, $100 or any other amount
of yearly income or wages. But you cannot
do it from the mere fact of his being a man
and not a pauper. You must show the prop-
erty he has, and the amount that he has,
and a tax levied in that way will fall in equal
proportion upon the man making $100 and
the man making $10,000 a year, and that is
a fair and just rule of taxation,
And those words which some gentlemen
propose to strike out—''with a political view"
—those words I think are significant. I be-
lieve that the men who framed this Bill of
Rights in 1776 had an object and reason for
every word they put in them. It was not
for any simply local purpose; it was not for
any personal object, that they desired that
this right of taxation should be exercised.
But It was with a view lo me general good,
some great question of policy, something that
was to benefit the community, that they de-
sired to confer upon the Legislature this power
of taxation I say, then, with all due defer-
ence to gentlemen who have made so clear an
argument on the other side, that these words
"with a political view" are, in my judgment,
exceedingly significant, and ought not to be
stricken out, without stronger and better rea-
sons than I have yet heard assigned for do-
ing so.
I know it may be said that our objection
to any change may be for some political rea-
son, for something that we hope to gain be-
fore the people, either now or hereafter. But
I am conscientious in my conviction upon
this subject. I think that this Bill of Rights
should be left to stand as it has stood so
long. It has the approval of the best and
wisest men of our State; men who assem-
bled here in times of profound peace, when
there were no jarring elements calculated
to distract them; at a time when there
was no roar of artillery, no shrill screech of
the rifle, no cries of the wounded or moans
of the dying to disturb the equanimity of
their judgment. They did not meet hero at
a time when frightened women and children
were vainly calling for assistance; when
wives were separated by the stroke of death
from dear and loving husbands; when the
sons of our soil, instead of being permittee
to follow their peaceful avocations, were forced
to drop the plow in the field and take up the
sword. No, sir; they met here at a time
when the student over his table could calmly |
reflect on what was necessary to develop the
resources of the State, and to establish a
good government for the people of that State;
when he was allowed coolly and calmly to
reflect upon all these things; not at atime
when he was forced to drop his pen and take
up the sword, for such a time as that is no
time for men to change an organic law which
has stood through calm and storm, fire and
sword, peace and war, for upwards of a hun-
dred years.
You must come under proper rules, under
proper regulations, if you would arrive at a
proper understanding, and a fair, full and
free conception of the duties of a general
Convention of the whole State. You must
come together representing people who have
exercised their highest wisdom at the ballot
box. You must come from a people who
have bad ample time for the full considera-
tion of all the questions that will probably
come before you for consideration and action.
You must come from a people who have told
you by the votes of overwhelming numbers
that a political necessity has arisen which de-
mands that a State Convention shall be held.
You must come, not from a people whose
voice has been stifled by the arm of the mili-
tary; but from a people who have been left
Free to express their will, ana who are anxious,
aye, sir, who are vociferous for some
change in the present policy of the State. '
When you so come together, when you so
assemble, then, at that time, and under those
circumstances you can approach that article
of the bill of rights with a calm, clear, con-
scientious judgment, and with a heart re-
sponsive only to the interests and welfare of
your State, and not until then.
Mr. Chairman, this is a subject of deep in-
terest to my constituents; it is a subject of
vital interest to us all. Those who favor the
striking out this provision would strike down
our old landmarks; they would tear up from
their very foundations all the great principles
of American constitutional liberty. This is
a question calculated to stir up a man in his
inmost soul. And I would to God that 1
possessed words of living fire that I might
brand these solemn facts upon the seared con-
sciences of those who would thus tear up the
very foundations of our liberty. I would
have them know, and feel, and understand,
that if they ruthlessly and recklessly throw
down this temple of liberty, they will, Sam-
son like, fall buried beneath its ruins. 1
would have thorn know that the people? of
the State of Maryland, the overwhelming
majority of the people of this State, never
will tolerate any interference with the present
Constitution as it stands, unless it is done
fairly and according to the established rule
of all the States of this country, the rule that
the majority of the people of the State must
govern and control the State.
Mr. PETER. The subject of deliberation |
