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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1036   View pdf image (33K)
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1036
the subject in support of our report. It does
seem strange to me that gentlemen here who
have voted for emancipation in this State
should now vote to exclude entirely the per-
sons thus freed trom their basis of represent-
ation. If they are freed and are suffered to
remain among us, it does seem to me to be
right and proper that they should be repre-
sented through the white representatives of the
State, in your legislature, Of course you will
not allow them to vote, but there must be some
political or legislative body whose duty it
shall be to take into their consideration the
condition of that race, and provide such
laws and regulations as their condition may
require. Or is it your purpose to leave them
without support or protection? Do you
meal to exterminate them ?
All free persons both white and black are
entitled to some system of representation.
This principle was adopted in the formation
of the federal constitution, and has been ad-
hered to by nearly all the States of the Union
ever since. The free blacks had full represen-
tation, and the slaves were allowed to be rep-
resented as property.
Why is it that you now vote to make them
free, and refuse to consider them in forming
your basis of representation? Why is it that
without sufficient reason or evidence, you
ignore every principle of right, every ex-
ample of the past? Why is it that you set
up here and try to establish new dogmas,
unknown to justice, honesty or civilization,
and because you have the majority here,
palm them upon us ofthe minority? I want
to bear the reasons for departing from every
precedent of the past. I want to bear what
yon have to say in support of the majority
report. If I am then allowed to address the
convention further upon this subject, I may
hope to present such facts and evidence to the
convention, as will at least bring gentleman
here to reason, and a proper sense of justice
before they are called upon to vote upon this
question.
In conclusion, then, I contend that the only
just basis of representation that can be possi-
bly fixed for Maryland, must be established
upon principles of compromise, such as is
proposed by the minority report. And I do
sincerely hope it will be adopted by the con-
vention.
[The half hour having expired, the ham-
mer fell.]
Mr. CHAMBERS moved that the time of the
gentleman from Prince George's be extended.
Mr. BERRY. I prefer that the courtesy of
the convention be extended to me hereafter.
I have said now all that I desired by way of
opening the debate.
Mr. EDELEN. When I came into the hall
this morning, it was very far from my inten-
tion to say at this time anything upon the
several propositions now before this body for
consideration. But I feel that did I let the
occasion pass without attempting to point
out some of the glaring and palpably unjust
inequalities that stand out in every section
and almost every line of this majority report,
I should be false to the trust which the people
of my county have in part committed to my
care.
I will not attempt in the brief limit of time
allowed me by the rules of this house, to refer
to that branch of the question upon which
my friend from Prince George's (Mr. Berry)
has just spoken so much at length. I mean
the principle that it ia right and proper to
restrict Baltimore city in her representation,
because of the peculiar circumstances and
conditions surrounding us in this State; that
you cannot, in other words, adopt as a prin-
ciple or rule, anything to apply to the whole
State, so as to give Baltimore city equally
with the counties, representation according
to population. Let me tell the gentlemen of
the committee who have signed this majority
report, that they are estopped from treading
that ground; that it is not allowable for
them after having signed that report to come
into this hall and claim for Baltimore city
representation according to population, even
upon the white basis. They are concluded.
Look at the report. If you give Baltimore
city a representation according to population
upon a white basis, she would be entitled to
twenty-nine members. In the very outset
then this is a total departure from and
ignoring of that principle in the report. To
the chairman of the committee from Balti-
more city (Mr. Abbott) and others who have
signed it, if they undertake to condemn the
minority report on this ground, I would com-
mend the words of the poet:
" Shame to them whose cruel striking
Kills for faults of their own liking."
The point which I desire to bring to the
consideration of this convention is, that
the majority report has fixed the represen-
tation upon the white population alone. In
this they have departed from the rule that
our fathers adopted when they framed the
constitution of the United States; they have
departed from the rule that has been estab-
lished in nearly every northern State—in-
deed, in nearly every State, north or south,
composing this confederacy.
I have before me a few facts and figures,
which will show to my friends that I am not
treating this question as one like those that
have heretofore divided us upon this floor.
I want my friend from Talbot (Mr. Valliant,)
and my friend from Worcester, who, a little
while ago filled that chair (Mr, Purnell,) and
my friends from Baltimore county and from
Frederick county, whom I see here, and the
gentlemen of the committee, and all others
who are disposed to favor this majority re-
port, to see and understand that no principle
which bears such fruits as that adopted in the


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1036   View pdf image (33K)
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