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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1035   View pdf image (33K)
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1035
of seventy-two members, and although the
city of Providence has one-third of the whole
population, she is only entitled to twelve del-
egates. The principle of representation as
applicable to the large States of New York
and Pennsylvania is certainly not applicable
to our little State. The population of New
York State is upwards of 3,000,000, and the
city has only about 800,000. And the popu-
lation of Philadelphia is about the same, to-
wards the population of the rest of the State.
And even if they in those large States
have adopted the principle of representation
according to population, the principle would
not be applicable to us. With us it must be a
matter of compromise, securing a proper repre-
sentation in the legislature to every interest
and section of the State. I know of no rea-
sons why this principle of compromise should
not be followed here, unless it is intended to
give to Baltimore the political control of the
State.
The minority of the committee did not for
a moment undertake to disturb or change the
representation in the senate. This we" held
too sacred to be interfered with in this day
of national and State political demoraliza-
tion. The senate was established as the con-
servative branch of the legislature, and the
past bistory of the State has shown the wis-
dom of thus organizing the State govern-
ment, as it is the only means of preventing
hasty and inconsiderate legislation. Yet the
majority of the committee have recommended
that the convention not only give to the city
of Baltimore one-fourth of the whole repre-
sentation in the lower house, but that the
convention overlook every principle upon
which the representation is fixed in the
senate, which will effectually destroy its use-
fulness as a conservative body. Why is it
that at this time, under existing circum-
stances, so important a change is proposed to
be effected? A change which no political
party or set of men have ever attempted be-
fore during any period of your State's his-
tory. Are you willing for this change? Are
you willing to disturb the present representa-
tion in the senate, by giving her three sena-
tors, thereby securing to her a political pre-
ponderance in both houses, which will enable
her to control the balance of the State?
think the principles upon which our senate
was organized was a wise one—it was truly
a conservative body, and prevented hasty
and inconsiderate legislation. Its wisdom and
usefulness as applicable to our condition, has
been tested by the experience of the past and
should not now be changed.
But, sir, I would not be surprised at any
steps the majority of this convention would
take in its gigantic strides towards fanati-
cism and ruin. They propose to divide Bal
timore city into three senatorial districts, and
give her three senators and twenty-one dele
gates. And in my portion of the State they
propose only to give the counties of Anne
Arundel, Prince George's, Charles, St. Mary's
and Calvert, seven delegates. Are you as
honorable beings—as men who should feel
an interest in every part of the State, willing
to do us so much injustice? Are you willing
to record your voles fur this iniquitous pro-
position ?
Much has been said here in relation to the
jealousy which is said to exist between Balti-
more city and the counties of the State. I
know of no such jealousy. I certainly do
not entertain any such feeling. I am proud
of Baltimore as a great city in the confines
of the State that gave me birth. But whilst
1 am justly proud of that city, I am yet
prouder of Prince George's county, and am
here to defend her interest on this floor. I
do not mean to stand by and see almost the
whole political influence of the State vested
in Baltimore, and my section of the State re-
duced to mere provinces. I am willing to
render to Baltimore all to which she is right-
fully entitled, to give her a representation
sufficient to protect a!l of her interests, but
am unwilling to give her all the power,
which must result in the sacrifice of every
interest of the several counties.
The minority report proposes to give Balti-
more twelve members of the house of dele-
gates and one senator as now. It provides
for the division of the city into twelve elec-
toral districts, each one of which will be en-
titled to elect one delegate, the senator to be
elected by the whole vote of the city. It appor-
tions the representation as follows: Balti-
more shall be entitled to one delegate for every
11,000 inhabitants, or fractional part thereof
over one-half, and the counties one for every
7,000 inhabitants, or fractional part over
one-balf. And upon this principle the rep-
resentation is to be increased with the in-
crease of population. This apportionment is
made and it would be impossible to fix any
other general system to do justice to every
part of the State. By the apportionment
made in the minority report we give Freder-
ick county one, and Baltimore county two
more delegates than they will be entitled to
by the majority report. And I wanj.to ask
gentlemen here, who represent those coun-
ties, are they prepared lo vote against the
minority report and support the report of
the majority of the committee? What rea-
sons ran they assign to their people for the
rejecting of this increased representation
offered by us to their counties? I advise
them to look well into this question before
voting, as my experience in government has
convinced me that all people are very tena-
cious of political influence.
These, Mr. President, are some of the many
reasons which induced this minority report.
I had not expected to be forced into the ar-
gument of this question to-day, or I would
have prepared some notes and statistics on


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 1035   View pdf image (33K)
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