the party agitation of the day. He did not mean
to say this was the motive. It was so stated at
the time. It did not turn out as was expected.
After a while General Eaton resigned, or was
displaced to make way for a gentleman of differ-
ent politics. This was the commencement of a
new dynasty. It had been said that it was not
quite right here to speak of motives; but he
would refer to facts. It happened in a few years
that when the State changed hands, and a new
party came into power, in 1839—another Presi-
dent was elected. In 1841 another change was
made—and it happens that the President in all
these changes was of the same politics with the
dominant party in the State. In all this, there
may have been no political motive. But he
spoke of the facts. This unfortunate company
for years had been a prize, and subject of con-
tention between the great parties. The salary
was at times $3,000 to $6,000 per annum, a sum
worth fighting for, and the Presidency had been
always given to men high in political power.
Perhaps on account of their merit—made proba-
bly as a reward for services rendered. In 1841
the management of the company, with all its
debts, embarrassments, and burdens came into
the hands of Whig appointees. They have fin-
ished the. work, and now that the office may become
valuable again, it is to be brought into this
overwhelming strife of party warfare. Gentle-
men say this is not the object. Mr. Tuck knew
nothing of motives. He looked at the effect.
The salary is now $2,000 Let its affairs go be-
fore the people in discussions about the presi-
dency, and then we shall have parties divided as
to its affairs, management, &c. It must become
a prominent element in political discussions. It
has been the case, and will be so again. We are
to have four agents. These are to be nominated
by parties. This is the admission. There, are
to be two of each party, and the Treasurer is to
be umpire. Here is party at once. Well, a
man wishes to become president, he has only to
arrange with his friends in the State, as is com-
monly done to nominate candidates for the agen-
cy, who will support him fur the presidency. It
will soon be known who is the favorite of these
commissioners. Just as surely as we know who
Electors of President will vote for—just as we
know who delegates to a convention will support
as the candidate for Governor. If I am asked
for a motive, I point to the salary—$2,000 or
more, and even if the salary were not so high,
there are many men who will wish to have the
place. 'Tis enough that it is an office. This
will be the effect of the measure.
He would vote against all such propositions
for reasons heretofore assigned by the gentle-
man from Carroll, [Mr. Brown,] on another oc-
casion. He, Mr. T., had not Mr. B's. aid on this
question. Let those things be left to the legis-
lature. This Constitution had now full weight
enough—more probably then it could carry
through the race it was to run on the political
course an the first Monday in June. Give the le-
gislature power over the subject. The object
here is to restrict the legislature by giving the |
power to the people. May we not do more
harm than good:—The history of corporations
in Maryland shows that you cannot restrain
them against their will. It is only when they
knock at the legislature for something for them-
selves that the State can obtain what she wants
or may desire, and that is by attaching it to the
grant as a condition—a quid pro quo. The time
may be when these companies will come to the
legislature again, and if you deny to that body
all power to act, how can the State exercise any
control over them? We have the control of the
Canal company now; in one sense we vote a
majority of the stock. We can elect the offi-
cers; but this gives as no control over the char-
ter. We have no control over the rail road
companies. We have ten out of thirty direc-
tors in the Baltimore and Ohio Rail Road com-
pany, and so with some of the others. He was
willing to leave all this to the two branches of
the legislature. Our financial policy is depen-
dant in a great degree on the management of
these works, and it is better to leave their con-
trol to that hand of the government, which must
supply the ways and means to carry on the
State. It may become very important for the
legislature to have control over the mode of ap-
pointing these agents or commissioners, but if it
beplaced in this instrument they cannot have the
power until another Convention. He believed
the people cared little about it. They had trou-
ble enough already. It is said they are deeply
interested. How? In the canal? When will that
work give any relief against the taxes we pay?
How will these elections lessen the evils we
bear? They would increase them by promoting
agitation and troublesome questions of no benefit
to any one but those who may want places.
These commissioners do not levy the taxes—
they will have nothing to do with them except
to receive in the salaries out of the taxes which
you will call on the people to pay if these offi-
ces be created. So far as the people are inter-
ested, Mr. Tuck believed, that in his section of
the State there would be a general disposition
to let any other section have the election of the
agents, if it would pay the taxes now assessed
upon us for these works. The multiplication of
offices is a slow way of diminishing expenses of
government, or of relieving the people from
taxation. Mr. Tuck would vote against the
measure in all its forms.
Mr. HARBINE said;
He had heard nothing to induce him to
change his views upon the subject under consid-
eration. Ho had understood the gentleman from
Prince George's, (Mr. Tuck.) to say, that it was
a political matter which the Convention ought
not to be troubled with.
Now, if matters of the gravest importance like
this, were to be left. to the legislature, why call
a Convention at all? Certainly, things not half
so important had and would find a place in the
Constitution. If this he an exception, he would
like to know in what particular.
He thought the immense interests of the State |
