prefer that of the committee to the one offered
by the gentleman from Baltimore city, [Mr.
Brent.] One distinction he had yesterday urged,
he had since discovered, did not exist to the ex-
tent he had supposed. From the examination
he had then given the proposition, he thought it
went further, than after further perusal this
morning, he found it did in fact. He thought it
merely fixed the per diem allowance to be paid the
members of the Convention, He now perceived
that by the Constitution, the gentleman proposed
that a fund should be set apart to be expended
by the Governor. He [Mr. T.,] would say, that
that would have the effect to lessen his objection
to it.
He would observe in reference to the gentle-
tleman, (Mr. Brent's.) substitute, that no mor-
tal man could tell who would be chief magis-
trate, or secretary of the State of Maryland in
1860.
No man could see under what influence he
was to be elected, and we knew that no man was
going into the Gubernatorial chair solely upon
his approbation or opposition to the call of a
Convention. And we all knew, also, that his
election was to be either expedited, or retarded
by reason of his peculiar opinion on national pol-
itics. It was always a mixed question, and by a
combination of political and other circumstances
a man might be put into the Gubernatorial chair
without reference to his opinions on the subject
of State policy, and not on account of any pecu-
liar merits of his own.
Now he, [Mr. T.,] would not be willing to
place such great power in the hands of an indi-
vidual, for, as he had said yesterday, the Gover-
nor was nothing but a mere man—an individu-
al exercising for the time being certain functions
in behalf of his fellow-citizens. He should say
that they ought to fix a day when the sense
of the people should be taken upon the question
of calling a Convention.
It was very important to fix a day for that
purpose. It was a secondary question whether
they would prefer to confer upon the Governor
all the powers necessary for that purpose, or
upon the legislative bodies—the House of Dele-
gales and Senate. He, [Mr. T.,] would prefer
the House of Delegates and Senate.
Mr. T. after adverting to the impropriety of
these constant agitations of Constitutional reform
that were likely to occur, and deprecating them
said, let it be a fixed fact in the Constitution,
that the sense of the people shall be taken peri-
odically every ten years, then all these agitations
will be quieted.
Mr. CHAMBERS said, this was a subject of
the deepest interest, and required very deliberate
consideration. It affects the organic law not only
as it may be adopted now, but it must materially
effect that law as it may be adopted in all future
time. He was happy to believe, from indica-
tions in debate, that there would be less diversity
of opinion on this, than on some other important
questions; at least less conformity to political
lines of division. The subject had been one cer-
tainly fruitful of excitement elsewhere, much of |
it, doubtless, arising from a willingness to use
any thing as party capital, which would produce
discontent with the condition of the government,
in respect to matters that did not justify it. He
had, therefore, taken his seat in this body under
a thorough conviction, that in the new Constitu-
tion, provision must be made for calling a Con-
vention by the people whenever they should de-
sire it; and every thing lie had seen and heard
here, had deepened that conviction. Two considerations
seemed prominently to present them-
selves—the first was to assure to the people the
right to call a Convention whenever they deli-
berately resolved to have one, and the second
was to repress, as far as practicable, all agitation
from collision of opinions on the subject. These
elements should enter into any scheme we adopt.
He had no such fixed opinion in favor of any
particular scheme, as to make him very tenacious
in regard to it. He did believe that the most
effectual way to secure the greatest latitude of
decision, and to subdue all cause for agitation,
was to allow the people, at every election, annual
or biennial, as they may be, at every general
election, to express their wishes upon the sub-
ject. He did not mean to say it was a provision
which would be most likely to produce either an
early Convention, or frequent Conventions, He
thought differently—it was his opinion that in
this. as in most other instances, the difficulty of
accomplishing the object was a great incentive
to ceaseless effort to effect it. The great cause
and clamor was caused, as he believed, not by
the defects of the existing Constitution, but by
the fact that no provision was made for giving
the people the opportunity of reviewing it.
There was a great deal in "fashion" in this as in
matters of minor importance. Conventions to
amend the Constitution had been held, every
where almost, in the different States of the
Union—they were the fashion of the day, he
might say the passion of the day—and the people
were told, very truly told, they had as much con-
trol over the government in Maryland, as the
people in New York, Virginia, and elsewhere,
had over theirs. The Constitution, contemplat-
ing, as he believed it did, an entirely different
mode of altering its provisions, as a change of
our condition might require, and assuming as its
framers did, that the alterations would be in few
particulars at a time, had made no provision, nor
had it given, in his view, any authority for a
Convention. Hence arose not only a desire to
have a Convention with many persons, but hence
also the occasion for objection and resistance,
and consequently of collision, agitation and ex-
citement. relieving these to be the causes of
agitation and excitement, he thought the best
remedy to prevent their recurrence, was to afford
every possible facility to hold them as often as
the people chose to call them. Our theory is,
that the Government belongs to the people, they
have the sole right to control it, and he was for
indulging them in the largest lisence. To with-
hold the privilege for ten years, even, is apartial
prohibition. Every defected or disappointed po-
litician, would be preparing for a vigorous effort |
