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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 354   View pdf image
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354
antagonist, while there is a general combination
in hostility to the city of Baltimore! Members,
almost daily, indulge in violent denunciations and
apply epithets of the most derogatory character
to those portions of their own Maryland which
they view with jealous dislike.
In this connexion, I cannot help adverting to
the astonishment with which I heard the other
day from the gentleman from Prince George's,
(Mr. Bowie,) that the different branches of indus-
try are hostile to each other; that one class of
the community (the one, sir, to which I have the
honor to belong.) is alone productive, and that
all the other classes are engaged only in consum-
ing the product of the agriculturist! This a les-
son in political economy which I little expected
to learn in a constitutional Convention of the
State of Maryland, and much less from the gentleman
from Prince George's, would I have al-
ways believed to be actuated by the kindest and
most amiable feelings towards all persons and
classes. He, (Mr, Bowie ) denounces the commercial
interest as an enemy to the prosperity of
the State, and particularly to the agricultural in-
terest; as feeding upon the vitals of this latter, as
drawing to its heart, (Baltimore,) the life blood
of the community, which there coagulates! If
this be so, I should have supposed that speedy
death would ensue to the commercial interest itself
! I am unable to perceive how this settling
of the blood, this concentration of the vital element
in that part, would permit the animal to
continue to live, (laughter;) but should have sup-
posed that instant death would have occurred.
Sir, these dissentions and recriminations, be-
tween Western and Southern counties, Eastern
and Western shores and the various sectional
factions into which members segregate them-
selves, have continued, until my heart has sunken
within me, as I have listened to these discussions.
For, if this small patch of land, upon the great
area occupied by this glorious confederacy, can
be thus divided against itself, thus distracted by
petty local rivalries and jealousies, what must be
the fate of our widely extended country, rife
with dissensions of a similiar character, only on
a greater scale, and not bound together by the
same indissoluble ties—a common social organi-
zation and affinities originating in memories of
the past, while firmly cemented by all hopes for
the future!
I confess, sir, that I was very much gratified
when, on a late occasion, my respected friend
from Baltimore county, (Mr. Howard,) reproved
our bickerings and strife, as became a true-heart-
ed Marylander; and most effectively rebuked in
the catholic spirit which has uniformly distinguished
those who won that name, these displays
of sectional animosity which have been so unfor-
tunately common. Several other members have,
though not quite so pointedly, uttered similar
sentiment—and many gentlemen, in debate have
uniformly a conciliatory tone towards all divisions
of the State. But, as a. general rule. there
has been manifested here such a remarkable
amount of bitter sectional feeling, that a stranger
would scarcely believe us to be members of the
same political family, associated by all those
bonds of memory and reciprocal advantage
which ought to constitute a united brotherhood.
It is in this point of view, among others, as I
have endeavored to show, that the harmonising
influences of the veto power are peculiarly appli-
cable to the condition of our State. If its pos-
session and exercise would lend, (as I have high
authority to prove,) to repress these sectional
antipathies and heart-burnings, by preventing
partial and oppressive legislation, it is evident
that a great good would thereby be obtained.
If, sir, the apportionment question had been
differently settled, there would still have been
ample motives for according this limited negative
to our Executive. But, as that question has
been settled, there is considerable reason to apprehend
that the city of Baltimore, influenced by
formidable adverse combinations, may vote
against the new Constitution, unless this bridle
to the power of the minority shall be incorpora-
ted in that instrument. Wherefore, I invoke all
who desire to secure the adoption of the work of
so many anxious hours, the fruit of our painful-
ly protracted labors, for the sake of the impor-
tant reforms which we have already agreed on,
to engraft this veto power. It will tend, perhaps,
as much as any thing else, to tranquilise the peo-
ple of that city, which, under the various and
potent influences likely to be bought to bear,
may otherwise, by a decisive majority, reject the
frame of government to be recommended by this
Convention.
I had intended, sir, to have entered much
more at large into the subject of the apportionment
of representation, as connected with the
question under consideration. But I have already
detained the Convention so long that I will
refrain.
Permit me, however, to specify more ful-
ly, a few reasons why the small counties
should particularly desire the creation of
this veto power. The first is the protection
it will afford, from the continually increasing
numerical predominance in the legisla-
ture, which the representatives of the city of
Baltimore and the larger counties will, in all
probability, acquire. Although there is not, in
my opinion, any proper or well founded antagonism
between any of the different portions of the
State, certainly the occupations and habits of
the population of the several minor counties are
very diverse; and there are no strong affinities
by which they can be united in a common league
against the ambition of their more powerful
neighbors. Their surest safe-guard will he the
executive arm, if endowed with the protective
power with which I ask you to clothe it.
The second motive which I commend to your
consideration, gentlemen of the small counties,
as an inducement to render solid the constitution
by this conservative element, is, that by it would
be met and counteracted, more effectually, per-
haps, than in any other way, the tremendous in-
direct weight and influence of the city of Baltimore, so
much complained of in times past, when
is had not attained its present magnitude. Even


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 354   View pdf image
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