among such a number, there would spring up dissensions,
which would greatly impair their influ-
ence and divide their strength. I therefore be-
lieve, that it is not for the interest of Baltimore
herself to have even the increase that I am will-
ing to allow.
On the other hand, is it possible, Mr. Presi-
dent, that allowing Baltimore ten delegates could
injure any other section of the State? I cannot
think so. My great object, in fact, in the course
I pursue, is to protect the counties. I do not
prelend that this increase of representation is to
be given to Baltimore as a matter of absolute
light I regard the subject as one of political
arrangement to be made for the good of the
whole. It is the interest of the counties, and especially
of the smaller counties, that this question
should be settled now, that it should bo put
to rest for the next twenty years at least. It
would be a great misfortune if this opportunity
were suffered to pass unimproved; for I am con-
fident, that better terms can now beobtained for
the counties than could be obtained at any future
time. It must be remembered, that when the
present apportionment was made. in 1836, the
city of Baltimore contained little more than half
its present population The census of 1830 gave
her 80,000 souls; that of 1850, about 170,000
She is yearly increasing, by an accelerating ratio,
both in wealth and numbers. Her power and
influence some years hence may become over-
whemling; and then it would be subject of deep
regret with the counties that this Convention had
made no satisfactory compromise.
Should we make no such compromise .now,
the new Constitution will certainly be rejected,
the agitation will soon be recommenced, and the
result, I apprehend, will be—what is so much
dreaded—representation according to population
through the whole State. Such is my solemn
conviction; and I consider it my duty to ward
off this evil in the best manner the circumstances
around me will permit. I am confirmed in this
view by what I observe not only at home, but in
all the surrounding States. I allude to the rapid
progress of radicalism, which is spreading in a tor-
rent flood over the whole country.
One of its cardinal principles is the right
of a bare majority of numbers to govern; and the
necessary consequence of that principle is repre-
sentation strictly according to population. It is
then, I repeat, for the protection of the counties,
that I advocate a compromise at the present time;
and I call upon gentlemen to consider well, what
would probably be the basis on which the next
Convention would be called—supposing this to
fail in its purpose—of what materials it would
be composed; what additional demands would
undoubtedly be made by Baltimore, on account
of her constantly increasing population and
wealth, and what new subjects of excitement
might be brought into another canvass —
They may rest assured that the counties
never will be able to secure terms so advan-
tageous as may now be secured.
But some of my friends from the smaller coun-
ties have said : Must they forever be yield- |
ing? they yielded something in 1836, and they
are asked to yield more in 1851. Yet, how
can they forget the great charge that has taken
place in the relative wealth and population in
the various sections of this State in the last fif-
teen years? And can they fail to foresee how
much greater will be the change in the next
twenty years" It is something to their advan-
tage, that fifteen years have been gained by the
last arrangement; it will be something more if,
the re-agitation of the question can be prevented
for twenty years to come by the action of this
Convention. Every crisis must be managed by
those whom Providence calls upon to deal with
it. As the "dead past" may "bury its dead,"
so let the remote future take care of the things
of that future. For the present, here we stand,
and cannot escape from the responsibility which
the times and our position have forced upon us.
Let us do the best we can, under all the cir-
cumstances, and not lament too much over what
we are obliged to surrender. I would greatly
have preferred that this subject should never
have been agitated at all; I would have been
pleased if the people in all parts of the State
could have remained content with the old apportionment;
but I must deal with facts as I find
them.
In estimating the effect of the increase of re-
presentation for the city of Baltimore, the coun-
terbalancing fact that an additional senator is
given to the counties, by the creation of a new-
county out of Howard district, ought not to be
overlooked. That is nearly, if not quite, an
equivalent to what is surrendered. Besides, such
severe restrictions have already been imposed by
us upon the powers of the Legislature, that almost
all danger of the passage of laws injurious to
any considerable portion of the State, is entirely
removed. It would be hard to define, how, un-
der the provisions adopted, any oppression could
be exercised.
I am in favor, Mr. President, of dividing the
counties and the city of Baltimore, each into as
many districts as it may be allowed delegates.
By such a system the opinions and the feelings of
the people are more accurately represented—bet-
ter delegates could thus be procured, and I am
sure that there would be less intrigue in the
nomination, and less corruption in the election
of candidates. I desire this for the whole State.
But if that cannot be obtained, I would still ap-
ply it, if I could, to the city of Baltimore. I do
not see how that city could complain of such a
division. The delegates elected there under the
system, would all be from the city, and would
represent her various interests even more exactly
than if chosen by general ticket If the system
be applied exclusively to the city, it will be be-
cause it can be done more satisfactorily where
the population is so compact, and the divisions
can be so easily defined. I cannot see why this
should be spoken of as involving any degrada-
tion. It has been insinuated, that parly views
have suggested this proposition to district the
city. Yet we have been told by some of our
gravest and wisest men here, that parties are now
on the eve of a new formation, and every thing |
