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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 141   View pdf image
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141
Thus one extreme proposition is out of the way.
My friend from Kent, [Mr. Chambers,] must
excuse me for saying that his proposition was
another extreme. That, too, has been voted
down, by a considerable majority, and I think,
properly. I believe that its adoption here would
have defeated the purpose of this Convention)
which is, to make a Constitution generally ac-
ceptable to the people of the State. After all the
agitation that has prevailed since November last,
I consider it certain, that no Constitution will be
accepted which does not make some material
change in the apportionment. And whatever was
my opinion originally, as to the necessity of cal-
ling a Convention, I have no hesitation in saying,
that it is due to the State, that it is due to our-
selves, that we should strive to the utmost of our
power to make such a Constitution as we think
will prove acceptable to the people. I intend
faithfully to perform that duty, to the best of
my ability.
Now, the proposition of the gentleman from
Kent, if adopted, would, in my opinion, defeat
the now Constitution, whatever it might be in
other respects. Then, the whole question of re-
form, and especially this question of representa-
tion, would be open for re-agitation; and in that
case. I have little doubt, that but few years
would pass before another Convention would be
called. Thus a middle ground, a place of mutual
concession, of fair compromise, is alone left for
us to occupy. I believe that such an adjustment
may now be made, as will satisfy that part of
the State which demands an increase of political
power, without really injuring the rest What
the exact plan is, it may be hard to define just
yet; it may develop itself in the course of our
proceedings.
There are several propositions now before us,
Mr. President. Some features of the Washington
county plan, [Mr. Fiery's,] I certainly do not
like. The sections offerer by my venerable col-
league, [Mr Dorsey,] and by my other respected
colleague, [Mr. Randall,] each of which gives
Baltimore city ten delegates out of eighty-three,
are satisfactory to myself. I had myself, some
days since, drawn up a plan very nearly corres-
ponding with theirs, giving Baltimore ten out of
eighty-one. In my own proposition, I have sta-
ted no basis of numbers, wealth, or territory; but
have merely apportioned the delegates among
the different counties and the city of Baltimore,
so many to each. Of course, the distribution is
based upon certain elements, although it appears
arbitrary on its face. It seems to me better that
no particular principle or rule of apportionment
should be announced, because it may create dif-
ficulty hereafter, or be found injurious in some
future application. Population is certainly one
of those elements, wealth is another, and terri-
tory another; but besides these, there are old
habits, associations feelings, and even prejudi-
ces which in my opinion are worthy of consid-
eration, and which have been considered by me
in the distribution of political power. In such a
matter I do not desire to forget the history of the
State; for that history I esteem a substantial
thing.
I have all due respect for the framers of the
various plans which have been presented; but I
must be permitted to say, that the minute calcu-
lations that have been made, the balancing of
fraction against fraction, and the reduplication of
ratios, have rather amused than instructed me.
I am as fond of arithmetic as most other men,
and have sometimes been influenced by its fasci-
nation, but in this case I think there has been a
great waste of cyphering. The exact elements
composing the adjustment of such a question can-
not well be separately stated, nor their relative
proportions precisely defined.
What I have said of these plans, Mr, Presi-
dent, may give a general idea of the course I shall
pursue. I believe that some proposition not
widely differing from those of my two colleagues
and myself would meet with general acquies-
cence in the State at large, including the city of
Baltimore, where the greatest interest is felt in
this question. I am determined, as far as my
vote is concerned, that some such settlement
shall be made; if not exactly in the shape I pre-
fer, then in the nearest approach to it which can
be obtained. That I consider my duty. When
I say that such an arrangement would, at this
time be satisfactory to the city of Baltimore, I
do not mean that it would be satisfactory to all
her delegates in this Convention. They present
a broken phalanx; they are even at war with
each other. I refer to the mass of intelligent
citizens, both in Baltimore and the State at large.
By such a compromise as I have indicated, the
pride of the city is saved, and no injury is dune
to the interests of the counties.
It is, indeed, more a matter of pride than interest
to Baltimore herself, that some increase of
representation should be granted to her. I do
not believe, that with ten members she would
have more actual strength in the House of Dele-
gates, than she now has. The larger her repre-
sentation, so long as she cannot secure anything
like a majority, the more surely will she excite
the jealousy of the counties, and combinations
will be formed against her; so that great mea-
sures for her benefit may be defeated which un-
der the present apportionment could be curried
on their own merits. Besides, the greater the
number of her delegates, the poorer will be their
quality, and the less influence will they possess
individually upon the body of which they will
form a part. It is well known to all who have
been in our State Legislatures, that the delega-
tion of Baltimore, now composed of five, is not
generally one of the ablest in the House. There
are sometimes individual exceptions, but I speak
of what is generally recognised as a fact. Now,
if Baltimore has ten, or twenty or twenty-four
delegates—and so many are proposed by one of
her delegates here, (Mr. Brent)—they will pro-
bably be much inferior to those she has hereto-
fore sent. If the honor is made so much
cheaper, there will be a cheaper set of delegates,
We have good reason, too, for anticipating, that


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 141   View pdf image
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