two-fifths of their slaves should not be enumera-
ted, in the apportionment of representation; and
the free States agreed, that there should be the
same abatement in the proportion of taxes to be
paid by the slave States; and it was further agreed
that fugitive slaves should he restored to their
owners. That was a compromise, fair and equal
in its provisions, supported be mutual equiva-
lents, and made between parties, who were in-
dependent of each other, and in every way, com-
petent to contract Here federal numbers are
proposed as a rule, to be prescribed by the sov-
ereign power in the State, and not by agreement;
nothing is offered in exchange for it; no compensation
is to be made; and the consent of those to
be effected by it, is not asked. Where, then. is
the analogy between the cases? Would that
portion of the State, which insists on federal
numbers, as the basis of representation, be will
ing that taxes shall be apportioned by the same
rule? Are they willing that the proportion of
taxes to be paid by the slave-holding counties
shall be abated two-fifths, as a compensation for
this reduction of their political influence?
Allegany is now paying a tax on about three
and a half millions of property Prince George's
on over nine and a quarter millions Now Allegany
proposes to curtail Prince George's of two-
fifths of the political influence of her slaves. Will
she also relieve her of two-fifths of her burdens?
When the bill of rights was under consideration,
we found gentlemen from the west voting with
great alacrity, that "every person ought to con-
contribute his proportion of public taxes tor the
support of government, according to his actual
worth in real and personal property " Were gentlemen
now willing to yield up the power of tax-
ing every part of the State equally ? Present
such proposition to them, and we should soon be
told there was no compromise in that We
should find the gentlemen from Allegany and
Washington counties, and all who are now act-
ing with them except certain gentlemen from
counties where slaves were abundant, and who
were themselves large slave-holders, strongly
opposing such a proposition.
Maryland, Mr President, is a slave State, and
has been from an early period. That institution
has uniformly been sustained and encouraged by
our laws; and even during the session of this body
we have. by a solemn vote, determined that the
legislature shall not interfere with the relation of
master and slave. That vote was unanimous
Slavery then exists by the unanimous concurrence
of the whole State.
Every part of the State deemes it under exist-
ing circumstances, an institution so interwoven
with the interests of Maryland, as to be insepara-
ble from them If it be wrong or injurious, all
are equally responsible, and, as a consequence,
all are bound to share the burden. The number
of slaves in the State is ninety thousand three
hundred and fifty-five—nearly one sixth of the
whole population. They displace the same num-
number of freemen. If they were expelled
their places would soon he filled by a free pop-
ulation.
Now, we all know that slavery is very une- |
qually distributed through the State, in the
whole State, the slaves are to the whole popula-
tion, as one to six; in Allegany as one to thirty-
one, and in Prince George's, more than one-half
of the whole population are slaves.
Thus while the institution of slavery displaces
or excludes from the whole State a free popula-
tion equal to one-sixth of the population from
Prince George's it displaces a number more than
equal to one-half, and from Allegany a number
only equal to one-thirty-first part of' the whole
of its population.
The effect of adopting the basis of federal num-
bers, is to throw the loss occasioned by slavery,
thus established and sustained by the unanimous
consent of all, on the particular portions of the
State in which slaves happen to be most numer-
ous, No argument is necessary to expose the
glaring injustice of such a proposition.
But we are told that federal numbers were
agreed to by the act of 1836. it is true that
the small counties did then agree to federal num-
bers. but how? At that time each county had
an equal representation in the House of Dele-
gates. The smaller counties yielded up a portion
of their political power, hut they yielded for
an equivalent. They received in return what
was supposed to be ample security for their pro-
tection and safety. The act of 1836 was a com-
promise; and was assented to as such. Now,
one of the parties to that compromise, who has
enjoyed, and is now enjoying its benefits, seeks
to alter its terms, and yet reproaches us. be-
cause we do not feel willing to he bound by the
terms of that arrangement under the circum-
stances as preposed to be changed. Sir, it is
neither just, nor according to rules of fair deal-
ing among private persons, to hold one party to
a strict performance of a contract, which has
been violated by the opposite party. The wes-
tern counties accepted the compromise of 1836,
and at the rime were content with it; and we
now say to them if you are willing to abide by
that arrangement, we are willing; but if you re-
pudiate its provisions, we will no longer adhere
to federal numbers.
The gentleman from Allegany, (Mr. Weber,)
wishes to go even further than federal numbers;
he wishes that representation should be distrib-
uted, on the basis of white population. In his
generosity, he is willing to exclude the entire
black race from the enumeration; he does not
press it, but would be willing that his county
should derive no increase of power from that
class of population, if the other counties also ex-
cluded them from the count. This is a wonder-
ful act of generosity! And pray, sir, what
would the gentleman lose by it? What is the
amount of the sacrifice which be is prepared to
make on the altar of harmony and fraternal kind-
ness? In Allegany there are 397 free blacks,
and 724 slaves; in all, 1,121. in Prince George's
there are 1,138 free blacks, and 11,510 slaves;
in all, 12,648. Now, the gentleman from Alle-
gany says, I am willing that my 1,121 blacks
shall go for nothing in the distribution of polit-
ical power, if Prince George's will consent that |
