orty members, and to the fourteen eastern or
tide water counties but thirty-three members;
thus putting the fourteen in the power of the
seven and the city. Nor was it consistent with
itself, it professed to be based on federal num-
bers, and yet to catch the weaker brethren from
some of the smaller counties, it admits a slight
infusion of the territorial principle, and guaran-
ties to every county at least two numbers. It pro-
posed an equal distribution of political power according
to federal numbers; and yet it encourag-
ed the general ticket system, by which one man,
in the city of Baltimore, where his single vote
might elect ten members, exercises just five times
as much power as the same person could do in
Kent, where his vote, under no circumstances,
would elect more than two members, it propos-
ed six thousand as the ratio entitled to one mem-
ber; but so soon as that ratio exhausted the pop-
ulation of the county where this scheme comes
from, we find the rule requires thirty-two thou-
sand for a ratio. Arule producing consequences
so irreconcilable, and inequalities so glaring, all
in one direction and lending to the advantage of
a particular section, cannot be right in itself, or
have been framed to promote the common bene-
fit. It is founded on no general principle, it is
partial and unjust in its operation, and can be
sustained by no fair reasoning No scheme
could have been devised to give Washington and
Allegany counties, a larger influence; none hav-
ing the show of moderation, could be more destructive
of the political influence of the eastern
sections.
And gentlemen tell us this is a compromise.
The gentleman from Allegany, (Mr. Weber.)
told us this was not all. he thought western Ma-
ryland ought to have; but he would go for it as
a compromise A compromise of what? Had
they yielded any thing? What had the west
given up? The counties which now had forty-
five members in the House, were to be cut
down by this distribution to thirty three; and the
counties and city which now had thirty seven,
were to be increased to forty. Those which
now have a majority of eight, were to fall into
a minority of seven! And what do they give
for it? Nothing whatever. We yield every
thing, and receive no compensation. Sir, this
is no compromise; it is a capitulation. A compromise
implies mutual concession; each yields
something for the common good; but here the
yielding is all on one side. We are required to
pull down our flag. yield up our sword, and sur-
render at discretion. Gentlemen will pardon
us; we are not ready for that yet. They are not
quite strong enough to justify the demand; and
our condition is not quite so desperate, as to re-
quire submission.
Mr. President, the leading feature of the
scheme proposed by the gentleman from Wash-
ington, (Mr. Fiery,) is federal numbers It
provides that representation shall be apportion-
ed among the several counties and the city of
Baltimore, according to their several number?
as shown by the last census, "which shall be
determined by adding to the whole number of |
free persons, including those bound to service
for a term of years, three-fifths of the slaves."
In support of this feature, we are referred to
the examples of other States of this Union; we
are told that in some of the southern States,
where slavery exists, federal numbers have been
adopted as the basis; and it is argued here, that
it will also be suitable for us. It is admitted
that where slavery exists in so small a degree,
that its weight is not materially felt in the dis-
tribution of political power; or where it is so
generally diffused over the whole State, as that
a diminution of its weight would be equal every
where, and the same relative proportions be pre-
served, it is a matter of no consequence wheth-
er federal numbers are adopted as the basis of
representation or not, or whether the slaves are
entirely excluded from the computation. But
where slavery is unequally diffused, the rule, if
applied, would work great injustice, I am not
informed of the condition of the States in which
the rule has been adopted; nor do I know the
particular reasons which induced them to adopt
it. Doubtless it was for reasons which satisfied
them, that their interests and happiness would
be promoted by it. To the people of Maryland
it is a matter of no consequence, what may have
been done elsewhere in this respect The insti-
tutions of another people are not to be adopted
by us, unless they are suitable to our condition.
We must form our Constitution to suit our con-
dition. We must look to the ends to he accomplished,
and the dangers to be avoided. If the
adoption of federal numbers as a rule, would not
do equal justice to all; if it would work unfairly
and leave any part exposed, without adequate
means of defence, it ought to be repudiated, no
matter what may have done elsewhere,
We have had our attention directed to the Gen-
eral Government, in which representation is ap-
portioned according to federal numbers But I
cannot perceive any analogy between the rases,
or feel the force of the argument, which is at-
tempted to be thence deduced. Previous to the
formation of the Federal Government, the States
were equally free, equally sovereign, and equally
independent; each possessing its own peculiar
institutions. In some, slavery exited, and pre-
vailed to a great extent; very large proportions
of their population were made up of slaves In
others, slavery had been altogether abolished;
and in many the number of slaves was so small,
that if counted, their influence would be scarce-
ly appreciable. The States came together as
equals, to form a new government for the joint
benefit; and it was soon discovered, that the ex-
istence and unequal distribution of slavery, was
one of the chief difficulties to be overcome. If
allowed its numerical strength, it would have
had a controling influence, and have rendered
those States in which it did not exist, subservient
to its power; and on the other hand, if slaves
had been entirely excluded from the count, the
States in which slaves were numerous would
have been utterly paralyzed Those who framed
the Federal Constitution deemed it a fair subject
of a compromise. The slave States agreed, that |
