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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 106   View pdf image
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106
sures, and were called upon to mourn over that
organic law adopted by our fathers, containing
such restrictions and qualifications,
Mr B. said his constituents were honest, and
he was willing to do them justice. He was unwilling
that injustice should, by his vote be
done to any part of the State. We were assembled
together for the purpose of framing an or-
ganic law, not for Montgomery county, not for
the city of Baltimore, but such a Constitution as
would be pleading and acceptable to the citizens
of Maryland, and unless they adopted such an instrument
his word for it, there five months labor
will have been in vain the Constitution rejected,
and they would return to their constituents, disgraced
and dishonored. Although he had been
an humble member on that flour, although his
voice had not been heard in these halls before,
still he had thought deeply and intently upon all
the subjects before the Convention.
He had not been wanting in conversation with
gentlemen of this body, and in comparing notes.
with a view of ascertaining the necessities and
wishes of the people in every section of the State.
When he voted for the projet of the gentleman
from Washington, (Mr. Fiery,) he believed that
it was a fair, honest and just compromise of this
complex and difficult question which was now
agitating every section of the State, and that the
citizens of Maryland, (restricted as the Legislature
had been by other provisions of this Constitution,)
would adopt it as the true basis. He
had informed his constituents that he was in fa-
vor of a compromise, and that he believed this
the only one which would ensure the adoption of
the new Constitution. What had they done already
? They had restricted the Legislature from
any interference whatever between master and
slave. They had stripped her of all power to
appropriate money for internal improvements
These were two great results which the citizens
of Maryland desired to effect in this Convention
They had taken from the Governor as far as
they had progressed, all patronage, and placed
it in the hands of the people. Would not the
citizens of Maryland be satisfied with this demonstration
on the part of the delegates from all
portions of the State? But we had been asked
whether we would foster the great city of Baltimore
to the ruin and destruction of the small
counties? He had read of the different organs of
the human body having quarreled with each
other—the teeth refused to masticate the food
the tongue its office, &c. The result was, that
the poor man pined and died, and so it would be
with the State were the counties to war with the
city of Baltimore. The prosperity of the coun-
ties were as dependant upon the city as the city
was upon the counties—each dependant upon
the other. His colleague in complaining of the
city of Baltimore, had had the frankness to admit
that Montgomery had not added to her pro-
perity. He, (Mr. B.,) regretted it. It was true
Montgomery had not contributed much to her
growth. Her market had been principally in
the District of Columbia, and not until within
the last ten or fifteen years had she made the
city of Baltimore her market. But where was
the market of the balance of the State, and now
of Montgomery, if it were not in the city of Bal-
timore ? Did they not send their tobacco and
other products, the growths of her soil, to that
city? And did she not become the purchaser
of almost all their products. He believed that
the city was still willing to encourage and pro-
mote the prosperity of the counties.
Suppose we should give to the city of Balti-
more representation according to population in
the popular branch of the Legislature, and
give to each of the counties and the city or Bal-
timore one senator; he would ask, how could the
city of Baltimore do any act deleterious to the
interest of the counties if the Senate were honest?
Was it not a check upon the popular branch and
would not that check be exerted ? Would not
any senator be recreant to his trust if he failed to
place his veto upon the action of the popular
branch whenever that action should prove, in his
judgment, destructive to the best interest of the
counties? This was the conservative branch of
the government and territorial power was pre-
served in her.
What more could we want or desire? Did we
wish to disfranchise the city of Baltimore, and
declare by our act. that no man in that city
should have a voice in the councils of our State?
Would not such a course be unjust; and would
any individual, either of the city or the counties,
be willing to act thus unwisely and unjustly to
any part of the State? If there was such an in-
dividual, it was not he, for he desired justice to
be done to all. At the same time, he desired to
retain the check upon the popular branch lest
popular will might be carried too far. He wished,
therefore, to have the Senate as it at present
stands, so that nothing unwise or improper
should be enacted.
Mr. B. said, although he admired the eloquent
speech of his friend from Charles, [Mr, Brent.]
who addressed the house the yesterday, and had
listened to it with great attention, he thought
the fears expressed by him were unfounded.—
That if he had reflected for a moment upon the
action of the Legislature of the State, during the
session of 1849 and '50, he would have there
seen that at this time there were no ground for
his fears. For thirty years prior to that session,
Maryland had with a steady step, advanced to-
wards emancipating at some distant day her
slaves; every law upon that subject had pointed
to that result! The delegates from the lower
counties had participated in these enactments.
But at the session of 1849-'50, the State upon the
subject of slavery became healthy again, and
now stands as she did thirty years ago. For
thirty years last past. the laws of this State pro-
hibited the importation of slaves within her bor-
ders; and more recently one of her own citizens
could not take his slave to our sister State Vir-
ginia, with the intention of residing there, and
then bring that slave back without first making
an affidavit that he did not bring said slave into
the State for traffic, and record the same in the
clerk's office of the county, in which he intended
to reside; and paying a bonus for the benefit of


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1850 Constitutional Convention
Volume 101, Volume 2, Debates 106   View pdf image
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