men extend it? Would they give this right to
free negroes? Would they give it to all, indis-
criminately? What then becomes of the qualifi-
cations of age, sex, residence within the State.
I can consent to no such extension as this—but
my desire is to give to this right as wide an ex-
tension as prudently and safely we can, and to
secure to all to whom the right now is by law or
can safely be given, as full, free, and untrammell-
ed exercise of this invaluable right as is consistent
with its preservation and the purity of the ballot
box. The gentleman says we cannot fully guard
against the abuses complained of, that the remedy
proposed is inadequate. Admitted; but what
then ? Does it follow because we cannot do all
we desire, that therefore we are to do nothing?
Are we to conclude, because we are imperfect
by nature and can in nothing attain perfection—
that we are therefore not to endeavor to approxi-
mate to it? I am of a very different opinion,
and think we should do all we can, to save
and protect ourselves and the freemen of Mary-
land, and then bear the lessened evils which we
cannot remedy.
Mr. MERRICK said it was too true, as had
been said, parly strifes and political corruptions
had led and were likely to lead to the destruction
of republican institutions. They had produced
the downfal of all that had gone before us, and
their warning voice sounded in our ears to guard
ourselves from a similar impending fate. " The
price of liberty, we all knew, was perpetual vigi-
lance." It becomes us, then, the chosen agents
of the free people of Maryland, clothed with the
high power of framing a new compact of Gov-
ernment for them and their posterity, now espe-
cially to exercise that vigilance and to engraft
into that compact all the appropriate safeguards
to that liberty which our united wisdom could
devise. Nothing was dourer, nothing more pre-
cious in the eyes of a free people, than the elec-
tive franchise. It was the life-giving principle
of republics, and not less dearly cherished by
freemen, than the ruddy drops which warm their
hearts. Protect it then—preserve it in its purity.
We have had many violent party contentions;
but violent as these have been, they are nothing
compared with what we are reasonably to ex-
pect will arise in the distant future. The Con-
stitution we now make is to operate for good or
for evil upon that future, Its effects—its work-
ing—are to be felt when we who make it—when
the parties of the present day and all who com-
pose them, shall have passed away and been
forgotten. Nothing we can do is to be of greater
effect, than the means devised for the preserva-
tion of the purity of the ballot-box. While that
purity shall be preserved, all will be safe, and
upon it and its efficiency our habit now in, and
this habit will grow and strengthen with our
growth, to repose with confident security. Thus
the ballot-box, if pure, has been found and will
be found in future, to be the reliance of all good
republicans for a redress of grievances, and to
supercede the necessity of all appeals to violence.
It has been and it will be to all defeated parties,
even when writhing and chafing under the morti-
fication of recent defeat, |
"Hope's precious pearl in sorrow's cup,
Which unmelted at the bottom lay,
To shine again when all drunk up,
The bitterness shall pass away."
Yes, sir; reliance upon this, if its purity be pre-
served, will calm their angry passions, will sooth
their troubled breasts. They will submit to pre-
sent defeat, and trust to reason to bring about
convictions of right in the minds of their fellow
citizens at a subsequent trial of strength in this
peaceful mode. But let frauds and corruptions
creep in; let freemen be unjustly deprived of
their rights in this particular; let the decisions of
your ballot-box be rendered false and polluted,
and the beauty of that pearl is list; its lustre is
gone—gone and forever; and will it dies the hopes
of freemen and of freedom, Guard it then, and
guard it well, I implore you.
Reference had been made, by the honorable
gentleman from Cecil, to the act of Congress re-
quiring members of Congress to be elected by
single districts throughout the United States; and
the constitutionality of that law had been ques-
tioned. He (Mr. MERRICK) was a member of
Congress at the time that law was passed; and he
knew, plain as the language of the Constitution
appeared to him to be, which conferred the pow-
er, the constitutionality of that exercise of the
power, was questioned at the time. It was made
aparty question of—one party contending for the
power as exercised, and the other contending
that Congress could not require the elections to
be held in the States by districts without them-
selves marking out the districts. The majority
in both Houses of Congress thought otherwise,
and the law was passed as it now stands on the
Statute books. Party spirit ran high; and for a
time the defeated party manifested a spirit of de-
termined resistance to the law. But as soon as
the passions and excitement of the hour had sub-
sided and reason resumed her throne in the pub-
lic mind, the law was carried into effect in every
part of the Union; there was a general acquiesence
under its provisions, and the members of
Congress are now every where elected by single
districts. This had occasioned the necessity for
re-arranging the Congressional districts in Mary-
land, and the consequent division of some of the
counties and the city of Baltimore, and the at-
tachment of parts of each to different districts
for the election of Congressmen. Up .to that
lime the requirement of a certain length of pre-
vious residence within the district as a qualifica-
tion of the voter, was not so necessary, because
the county and city limits had been always re-
spected, and the qualification of six months pre-
vious residence within the county or city was
considered sufficient; but since this new division,
the former requirement of six months residence
has been found not to answer the purpose design-
ed by it in the district—to form which, counties
and the city are divided. And more than that, it
does not operate equally sad alike upon all the
citizens of the State. In this way, every man
having the other qualifications, is entitled, under
the law, to vote at all elections in the county or
city where he has resided for the last preceding |
