raised has been sent into every part of the State.
He thought all had contributed their means for
one purpose or other. He himself was not so
free from the charge as the gentleman from
Kent. He admitted that he had contributed to
the expenses of an election. It was, indeed, so
common a case, that it had ceased to be regarded
as dishonorable among gentlemen. Our only
remedy for this evil is to correct public opinion.
He would pass laws that would lead to that cor-
rection and stamp all such conduct as unworthy.
He would protect the franchise, preserve the in-
nocent from fraud, and punish the guilty. He
would render bribery infamous, both to the giver
and the receiver of a bribe. He knew no other
way of securing the purity of the ballot-box.
No law, however, could have a beneficial effect,
unless it was in response to public opinion, and
did not involve the innocent in a common fate
with the guilty. Any law that punished the
legal voter in order to reach the fraudulent,
would enlist both in opposition to it, and render
it ineffectual. Would this amendment of a five
days residence effect the object proposed ? A
man disposed to do wrong would find no greater
difficulty in getting over five days, than over a
longer period—such as is provided by a resi-
dence of six and twelve months already in the
laws. He did not expect to purify the ballot-box
by such measures as these; it would be just as
easy a task to purge society. Frauds of a higher
character exist; and when we can reach these
great frauds, we may hope to be able to remedy
the others. But while we leave the greater evils
unremedied, it is vain to expect that we can ex-
tirpate the smaller,
Mr. MERRICK expressed his regret, that con-
curring so fully as he did with much the great-
er part of the general remarks so eloquently
made by the honorable gentleman from Cecil, he
should find himself compelled to dissent from the
conclusions to which he had come. He was not
disposed to trespass on the Convention by any
attempt to make & speech in reply, and indeed,
were he ever so much disposed to do so, the difficulty
he now had of utterance, from a severe cold,
forbade such an effort.
He united most cordially with the honorable
gentleman in deprecating the effects of party
strife here and every where, and the honorable
member could not be more deeply impressed
than he was with a sense of its past and a dread
of its future influence upon our republican insti-
tutions. He was fully aware that under the ex-
citements engendered by party contentions, many
good men would temporarily forget that just
sense of moral and political duty, by which ordi-
narily they were actuated; and their evil exam-
ple on such occasions had the fatal tendency of
lowering and corrupting the moral tone of the
whole community—of producing that unhappy
state of public opinion, by which it had or might
become to be regarded that in elections almost
anything was justifiable which tended to secure
the ascendancy of your party, that the end sanc-
tified the means. He agreed too, that the very
best means of preventing and correcting these
evils was the enlightenment and purification of
|
public opinion, and wise and patriotic men should
spare no pains, leave no atone unturned both by
precept and example, by general education and
legislation, so to enlighten and improve the
general public sentiment. He united, too, most
cordially with the honorable gentleman in call-
ing on the Convention to elevate their minds
above all subordinate considerations, and come
up in the spirit of liberalized and enlightened
patriotism, in the true spirit of the Patres Conscripti
of the Commonwealth, to the performance
of the high duties entrusted to them, and to bring
to the consideration of the great question now-
under consideration, a proper sense of its deep
and abiding importance. True, he said, it was
difficult, very difficult, to divest ourselves of the
influences of long cherished associations—the ties
of habit—and deal with such questions solely with
reference to their own intrinsic merit—but the
end was at least worthy of a vigorous effort. Such
were the infirmities of human nature, that a per-
fect accomplishment of this object was hardly to
"Be expected, yet an approximation to this good
end was certainly to be hoped for.
Sir, said he, what is the question we now have
on band: the regulation of the exercise of the
elective franchise and the protection of this most
precious prerogative of freemen from frauds and
abuses. Could you deal with a graver or more
momentous question to a republican people? It
is the foundation stone of the republic—the sheet
anchor of freedom. It should not he touched
with unholy hands; and the guards and securities
thrown around it should be proportioned to its
inestimable value—and yet gentlemen argue, or
seem to argue, that because it is so valuable and
precious, it must be left unguarded I And here
is the point of great difference between myself
and the very distinguished gentleman from Cecil.
He has discoursed fluently on the subject of po-
litical morality; upon the baneful effects of party
strife; upon the invaluable nature of the elective
franchise; and admits that frauds are, and are
likely to he, practised upon the privilege—yet he
proposes no guards to protect us from these
frauds, and declares himself averse to the slight
dditional security which would be given by the
pending amendment, requiring only five days
previous residence within the district before a
newcomer shall be there entitled to vote.
Mr. Chairman, as I have before said, I am utterly
opposed to all improper restrictions upon
the right of suffrage. I have resisted I throughout
all attempts to make inviduous distinctions on
this subject, among classes of our citizens. I
have voted steadily against all amendments in-
tended or tending to impose any other or greater
restrictions upon our naturalized than are impo-
sed upon our native citizens. I am here to ad-
vocate the extension of this sacred right equally
to all our citizens of every age and condition, to
whom, according to the general judgment and
general sense of the people of the State it should
be extended; but it must be limited; it must be
guarded; it must be protected,—it is too dear,
too valuable to freemen to be trifled with. Some
gentlemen have said they were for giving it the
widest extension. How far would these gentle- |
