be created, except by a vote of two-thirds of all
the members elected to both branches of the leg-
islature; a result, which, looking to the probable
structure of the House of Delegates, it was al-
most impossible to procure. That measure, he re-
garded as the most important and salutary of the
session, as it was calculated to inspire the public
creditor, with increased confidence in the securi-
ty of his bonds To-day a proposition was intro-
duced, now under consideration, which seemed
to distrust the stability of the finance system of
the State, in as much as it contemplated a con-
stitutional obligation, to impel the performances
of a duty, which the people had promptly met, by
mere legislative enactments.
This proposition, he was sure, would be voted
down, not that there was any disposition to relax
any of the existing laws, but because a majority
of this House believe it not only to be an act of
supererogation, so far as regarded the certainty of
the continuance of such laws, whilst the neces-
sity existed for them, but also because the sub-
ject itself was in its very nature unfit to be made
a part of the organic law; a subject, modifica-
tion in which, would obviously be necessary from
time to time, as circumstances might require.
The Constitution now to be made, it was to be
hoped, would endure long after the public debt
was discharged, and until perhaps it was far-
gotten.
The future was full of justifiable hope, for a
reduction of taxes, and it would, therefore, be
unwise to establish, by constitutional law, a per-
manent system of finance, to thus fetter the hands
of the legislature, in total disregard of the prob-
able ability of the State to meet all her obliga-
tions, as she had heretofore done, by proper
legislation; he had deemed it to be his duty to
state the reasons, which influenced his vote, that
he might not be subject to the imputation of a
want of zeal for the preservation of the honor of
the State.
Mr. DAVIS had no wish to enter into the merits
of the question under consideration; but in this
"rendering unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's,"
he thought it the duty of even the hum-
blest member upon this floor, to give any facts in
his possession, and which had not been advert-
ed to.
He was inclined to this, because his friend from
Anne Arundel, in echoing the sentiment of the
gentleman from Frederick, [Mr. Thomas.] had
described, the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, as the
great Serbonian bog, in which so large a portion
of the resources of the State had been sunk.
it will be recollected that Mr. THOMAS, who
had that morning claimed so much credit lor hav-
ing been the first to suggest the means of extricating
the State from her financial difficulties,
was, in the years '39-'40—the President of the
canal company—that having exhausted the means
hitherto provided for the completion of the canal,
he applied at the session of '40, for further aid
from the State, to that work—that the legisla-
ture refused this application—that after the ad-
journment of the legislature, he, as President of
the company, had issued a large amount of scrip
which the committee of ways and means of the

next legislature pronounced to be without any
basis whatever. The amount of this currency
thus issued, run up from $500,000 to $700,000.
The committee stated that they declined to say
any thing about the propriety of issuing this
amount of scrip immediately after the refusal of
the legislature to appropriate the amount which
the gentleman asked for to complete the canal.
[Here Mr, D. read an extract from the re-
port.]
He, [Mr. D.,] was not here to defend the
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal company. He had
personally but little interest in it. But it had
been assailed, and justice ought to be done it;
and considering the large investment the State
had made in that great work, he thought it would
be much more noble and patriotic for gentlemen,
instead of pre-judging its results, now that it was
just completed, at least to give it a trial. These as-
saults and predictions could now do no good '.there
only effect was to injure the credit of a great
State work. He could not see the propriety of
speaking of it in this tone.
Mr. D would now say a word to the gentle-
man from Baltimore, [Mr. Prestman.] The
gentleman had asked with a point and tone, which
showed that he designed the question for effect,
whether Baltimore had not contributed two-thirds
of the whole revenues of the State ? He would,
by way of reply, ask that gentleman, what part
Baltimore had had in bringing about the necessity
for this taxation?
Mr. PRESSTMAN replied, that Baltimore had
at that time only two representatives in the
House of Delegates, and he thought it not likely
they could corrupt the whole legislature.
Mr. DAVIS. Yes, but two delegates, Messrs.
Cushing and Jones—and without intending any
disparagement to other gentlemen, they were
quite as good representatives as Baltimore has
had since that time. But Baltimore, it seems,
was not satisfied with what these gentlemen could
do; she called town meetings.
Mr. PRESSTMAN begged leave to explain. He
had never intended to go into the subject of in-
ternal improvements.
Mr. DAVIS resumed. Why is the gentleman
so restless? Cannot he stand the probe? Will be
not suffer the truth to be told ? He, [Mr. D.,]
proposed to read ilscrap of history. He would
call the attention of the gentleman from Balti-
more, to a letter signed Jesse Hunt, mayor of
Baltimore, recommending a town meeting to send
a committee to Annapolis, lest the act granting a
loan of $2,000,000 to the Chesapeake and Ohio
canal, should fail. And this committee—this nu-
merous delegation—[Mr. CHAMBERS, (in his seat.)
Representation according to population ]—were
sent hereto represent to the Legislature, that the
interest of Baltimore and the state, required the
passage of the loan bill.
Mr. PRESSTMAN rose to explain, stating that
not a single word had been said by him in relation
lo internal improvements.
He knew perfectly well why this discussion
was kept up, and every one knew, whoever in-