in the Constitution, let this revenue go into the
sinking fund, or you will leave it in the hands of
the Legislature, to invest as they may think best?
If a provision on the subject is inserted in the
Constitution, the question will be settled for
many years to come, and you will, by an unal-
terable provision, fix a high grade of taxation on
the State. And you will do that rather than
leave it to the people, acting through their legis-
lature, the discretion to act as circumstances
may render necessary. He had said, a few days
ago, that there was a strong disposition in this
body, to tie up the hands of the Legislature. He
was in favor of the payment of the debt; but he
would not vote for preventing the Legislature
from relieving the people from these burdens.
Mr. RIDGELY said that the course which the
debate had taken, rendered it necessary that he
should say a word in explanation of the vote he
was about to give against the pending amendment
Gentleman who advocated the proposition, claim
to be the especial friends and guardians of the
credit of the State, and urge the adoption of the
article suggested by the gentleman from Worces-
ter, as a necessary restraint upon the Legislature,
to prevent the possible interruption of the pro-
cess now going on, of accumulating the sinking
fund for the ultimate discharge of the public debt.
It is insisted, that the present finance system
ought to be maintained unchanged by constitu-
tional obligation, less, per chance, the Legisla-
ture may relax the tax laws, and thus, if not jeo-
pard the prompt payment of accruing interest, at
least postpone to a late period the ultimate dis-
charge of the public debt. The effect of the ar-
gument in favor of this proposition, is to place
those who opposed it in a false position; inas-
much, as occupying an attitude adverse to the
theory contended for, they are seemingly obnox-
ious to the imputation of apathy concerning the
faith of the State, if not to a still greater reproach
He could not, therefore, impelled as he wan, to
vote against the amendment, by a sense of its
general impropriety, as a provision of the Consti-
tution, consent to cast a vote unexplained, which
might, in the slightest degree, qualify his fealty
to the honor and credit of the State. He yielded
to no gentleman in the Convention in honest and
earnest zeal for the maintenance of the State's
faith to the public creditor, nor did he believe
that a sane man could be found in Maryland
who would, even remotely, put that faith in peri
by the modification of the finance system under
existing circumstances. Such, he was sure, was
the common sentiment of the people of Maryland
who had ever manifested on this subject a sensibility
and concernment which had rather guided
than followed the legislation of the State. There
was no danger that such a people would consent
to relax any Of the revenue laws until there was
evidently no longer a necessity for their continuance;
yet he hoped, that if a state of circumstances
should arise, when these laws might be modified
without prejudice to the public creditor
that the Legislature might not be prevented by
constitutional prohibition from relieving the people
from unnecessary burthens. He hoped the
subject would be left, were it properly belonged,

with the Legislature, which frequently meeting
and coming fresh from the people, would always
be ready to carry out such a system of finance as
the exigencies of the treasury, fluctuating from
time to time, by circumstances, might require.
Certainly, the honor of the state had heretofore
been amply vindicated by that body. and might
be safely trusted in the hands of the people. Was
there any necessity to graft a provision on the
Constitution to stimulate the honesty or to awaken
the honor of the people of Maryland, touching
the public debt? Why. he would ask, had it be-
come necessary to bind the people to a system of
finance, never to be modified, no matter what
circumstances might arise, for a period of ten,
perhaps of fifteen years, when no man could forsee
defects in the system ilself, or casualities
which might intervene, and which were insepa-
rable from all human schemes, however well de-
vised.
He could see no practical good likely to grow
out of such a proposition; he was willing to
trust the people through the legislature, with the
public faith. Nobly, honorably, triumphantly had
they stood up to this just responsibility without
any constitutional obligations heretofore existing,
and although pressed heavily by tax laws, had
cheerfully, promptly and with alacrity in every
quarter of the State, come up to their whole duty.
Shall they now be distrusted, when the dark
hour of their trial is passed, and the end is as
clear to their vision as the brightness of the noon
day? Is it now necessary to place a provision in
the Constitution to quicken the sense of honor
and honesty of the people of Maryland ? No, sir.
There is a higher, a holier impulse, than the
mandate of a written Constitution, which has
heretofore, and will continue to animate the people
to maintain the financial policy of the State,
now in successful progress, until the last dollar of
the public debt is discharged, principal and in-
terest. That, sir, is the law of moral duty, of pub-
lic virtue. There is nothing more uncertain, or
precarious, than systems of finance.
Who could say. that the works of internal im-
provements of the State, all now in active and
successful operation, would not return large re-
sources into the treasury, to be applied in aid of
the sinking fund. It had been conceded in this
debate, that these works were already largely in-
creasing the revenues, and if the anticipations of
some gentlemen were only in a remote degree
realized in this respect, could there be a rational
doubt, under such circumstances, about the pre-
pricty of relaxing the existing tax laws? He could
not think so. He did not, however, wish to be
considered as indulging any very sanguine expectations
as to the revenues to arise from there
sources; yet he firmly believed, that from this
time forward, they would yield largely to the
treasury.
On yesterday the House had passed a Constitutional
provision, which, in his judgment, had
done much to appreciate the credit if the state.
it had, by a very decided vote, declared that all
connexion between the State and new projects
of internal improvement, was forever forbidden—
that no public debt of any kind should hereafter