The 1864 Baltimore Sanitary Fair provided the
large-scale vehicle for Unionist women to bring together both benevolent
and patriotic impulses. Other cities across the Union, such as Chicago
and Boston, previously coordinated such events. Proceeds from these
affairs swelled the coffers of the U.S. Christian and the U.S. Sanitary
Commissions, the two major national relief organizations for the Union
armed forces. The prospect of holding a fair to raise funds for these
entities first arose in Baltimore during the fall of 1863. Two members
of the Ladies Union Relief Association, Ann Bowen and Fanny Turnbull, are
credited with the initial promotion of Baltimore's event. Ann
Bowen, the 36 year old recording secretary, "a South Carolinian & yet
a very strong Union Person," proposed the idea. Her spouse,
a Unitarian minister, served as chaplain of the National Hospital where
he "devote[d] all his leisure time, in fact all his time to the soldiers."
Discussing the possibility of a fair with association vice-president Fanny
Turnbull, the 41 year old Maryland-born spouse of a city dry goods merchant,
Bowen initially desired that the event proceeds be earmarked solely for
the Sanitary Commission. But, further deliberation between these
women and Harriet Hyatt, who was active in the U.S. Christian Commission's
local branch, enlarged its focus to include this latter organization.
Hyatt, 49 and a native Marylander, "a whole-souled Union lady, who ever
since the breaking out of the rebellion has given her whole efforts to
the cause of loyalty," devoted herself to relief efforts at military camps
in Baltimore as well as nearby battlefields.
A series of women's organizational meetings occurred in December 1863.
Since no minutes have apparently survived, only scant details of the proceedings
are available. The first meeting on December 3, "invit[ed] all Union
Ladies in Baltimore" to gather at the Baltimore residence of Fanny Turnbull.
Nothing is known of these initial deliberations. A second meeting
took place one week later on December tenth with attendance from county
women being urged. At this time, the gathered group adopted three
recommendations that subsequently appeared in the Baltimore American:
First, that counties and towns set up committees to define and organize
local participation in the Baltimore Fair; Second, the event was
to be held during Easter week 1864 (it was later determined to begin on
April 19). Third, a list of items was formulated to be solicited
as donations from the public for sale at the fair. Men were encouraged
to assist in gathering the articles, but apparently played no active involvement
in these initial organizational steps. By the December 19 third meeting,
seventy-six women had banded together to shape and promote the relief fair.
The constituency of the initial Fair committee appeared to be drawn
primarily from white, upper middle class, merchant households of the Baltimore
area. Lawyer's wives composed the second most represented group.
A sample of over one-half of the women revealed their median age to be
45 years. Most were Maryland-born; however, a few came from states
both north and south. Few foreign-born participated during this early
stage. No African-Americans have been discerned. Numerous Unitarians,
and to a lesser degree, Quakers, Episcopalians, and Methodists have been
identified as organizers. The large Unitarian participation may stem
from the presence of many northern emigrants within the congregation and
the local church's own progressive stance regarding women's rights and
duties. Only two single women appeared on the committee.
E.E. Rice, age unknown, served as the president of the women's association
connected with the Newton University [military] Hospital. A number
of other women were similarly involved with prior soldier relief work.
Elizabeth Bradford, the Governor's wife and later fair committee chair,
would frequently carriage forth from her Cross Keys home to visit soldiers
at Camp Tyler on Charles Street. Mary Pancoast already served as
the treasurer of the Ladies Union Relief Association. Both
Sarah Ball and Sarah Applegarth had nursed wounded soldiers on western
Maryland battlefields.
The organizers embraced both promotion and fundraising measures used
by earlier Sanitary fairs. At some point in December, three women,
Ann Bowen, Harriet Hyatt, and Abbey Wright attended Boston's Fair, presumably
to gather both insight and ideas upon which to model Baltimore's fair.
Early popular appeals sought to generate wide-spread publicity while
building momentum for the women' efforts. Fair solicitations
ranged from circulars to newspaper advertisements. On December 18,
one day before the third organizational meeting, 20,000 circulars went
out to newspapers and individuals requesting "Fancy articles . . . even
'an ironing-holder, quilted of old calico' will be acceptable to us."
Notices in the Baltimore American provide evidence of neighborhood organizational
appeals to fellow citizens. Both the "Loyal Ladies of North Baltimore"
and the "Ladies West End Union Association" asked for "donations of money,
useful, fancy or ornamental articles" for sale at the fair.
The fair committee also actively sought donations of money and contributions
of salable items from throughout the United States. Adams Express,
a goods transfer company, generously gave free transport for all coming
to Baltimore.
Women did not shrink from direct written appeals. Ann Bowen wrote
William Whittingham, Maryland's Episcopal Bishop and a staunch Unionist,
to request six of his autographs and photographs to be raffled off at the
fair. When his photos did not arrive, she asked if he could sit for
his portrait and explained that "in my ardent zeal for the cause which
you love so much, I dare to do at other times would simply be impertinence".
Augusta Shoemaker, in a more tempered tone, addressed a Harford County
businessman with the following words: "The women of Maryland, intend
holding a fair . . . and I now write to ask for a contribution . . . I
ought not to be surprised at an unfavorable response . . . but nevertheless
think it my duty, to make every exertion in every way to further this object."
Augusta Eccleston Shoemaker
Items for sale and monetary donations soon began to flow into the fair
offices. Locally, women involved in relief activities at military
hospitals around Baltimore gathered to prepare items for their respective
tables. "The Ladies of these societies, to the number of fifty to seventy
each, meet weekly . . . at an early hour in the evening and go to work
in earnest --some in cutting out clothes, silks and other goods . . . others,
preparing the work, and many diligently engaged in plying the needle.
"Ladies of the Baltimore County Association for State Fair" regularly published
donator lists in the city newspapers. Money, but also random gifts
of goods, such as cloth or china, often appeared. Harriet Archer
Williams, a coordinator for the Harford County effort, received from friends
and neighbors hand-made steel garden hoes, a box of hams, donations of
money and foodstuffs. In addition, she sent "one box contain[ing]
$47 worth of fancy articles" and three others which held "eatables for
the lunch tables." Unusual items also found their place among
the fair tables. J. H. Kennedy from Hagerstown, Washington County,
offered "a whole parcel of little trifles made of Antietam Battlefield
wood--some from the little church so famous on that terrible day."
Kennedy and his wife had ministered to Union soldiers after the battle,
hosting the wounded Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., in their home for several
days.
Almira Lincoln Phelps
Publications served as fundraising supplements to the fair effort.
Almira Lincoln Phelps, the driving force behind one project, solicited
short stories and poetry from noted authors and contemporary personalities
throughout the Union. The persistence of the fair corresponding secretary
proved quite formidable. On one occasion, when receiving a check
in lieu of a manuscript, she respectfully expressed shock and remarked
that "it deemed like asking for bread and receiving a stone."
She politely reaffirmed her request, even suggesting a certain item from
the prospective male contributor. Phelps, the 64 year old former
principal of the Patapsco Female Institute, and a noted author in her own
right, served as the editor of Our Country --In Its Relations To The
Past, Present and Future: A National Book. This volume, dedicated
"to the Mothers, Wives and Sisters of the Loyal States" contained works
that celebrated the Union as well as two essays that advocated a wider
domestic sphere for women. A second book, entitled Autographed
Leaves of Our Country's Authors, contained facsimile reproductions
of autographed manuscripts that included Lincoln's Gettysburg Address.
Baltimorean John P. Kennedy, whose introduction appeared within, purchased
five copies "as I may find occasion to distribute them." Even
low priced pulp works were produced for additional revenue. The anonymous
Incidents
in Dixie detailed life in Confederate military prisons and appeared
to be designed to evoke sympathy for Union prisoner of war relief efforts.
Benefit performances, lectures, and other activities in Baltimore and
elsewhere, helped to boost the association coffers. John T. Ford,
owner of a theater bearing his name in Washington, donated the entire proceeds
of one night's entertainment from his Baltimore Holliday Street location.
Republican Schuyler Colfax, the then U.S. Speaker of the House, traveled
to Baltimore to deliver a lecture on the "Duties of Life" with all profits
going toward the State Fair effort. A "Tableaux Vivant" was
scheduled for the last three nights of the fair's final week; these tableaux,
depicting scenes from great historical and literary works such as "Henry
the VIII," were performed by costumed members of the Fair committee with
reserved seating at one dollar per person. Out in far western
Maryland, Allegheny County citizens held a band concert which netted over
500 dollars for the women's effort. In Harford County, a lecture
on "Books" brought an additional forty.
Successful fundraising proved essential to the overall success of the
fair effort. Unfortunately, the Baltimore organizers faced great
competition from other cities holding similar events. The New York
Metropolitan Fair partially coincided with Baltimore's while Philadelphia's
gathering was slated for just weeks later in June. John H. Eccleston,
a former Marylander living in Philadelphia, writing on Baltimore's chances
for soliciting donations from that city, penned: "Touching the matter of
subscription . . . here, for your fair --I don't think you will succeed
very well; for they are getting one up [here] . . . the beggars are out
in all directions, and men are buttonholed and made to listen to speeches
so long, that the donations come as a sort of "ransom money" for being
let go." Nevertheless, donator lists in various period publications
attest to the generosity of a limited number of non-Marylanders, even Philadelphians.
The Fair organizers from an early point had a guarded expectation in
the overall financial success of their event.
Three factors loomed largely. First, committee members feared
that women's own household responsibilities, combined with the scarcity
of wartime economics, would keep women from extending themselves.
Speaking of the tasks involved, the organizers perceived that "Many domestic
women may hesitate . . . their own domestic duties demand all their attention;
and that, moreover they, they have nothing to spare in these 'hard times'."
As one woman confided to her spouse: [the fair] "is a secondary consideration
with me I assure you. I must first attend to home duties & all
that calls upon me here. Whatever I can do that will not interfere
in the least with them will be cheerfully done." The anxiety
over the possible lack of female participation brought the active solicitation
of men to supplement the cause. "Lady officers were at first selected,
but as the enterprize appeared too formidable for their unassisted labors,
it was agreed that a number of gentlemen should be chosen" to provide aid.
However, the extent to which men lent their labor is unclear. William
J. Albert, a prominent city Unionist, eventually served with Elizabeth
Bradford in co-chairing the event. Evidence of men's active fundraising
does exist. Members of Baltimore's all-male Union Club volunteered
as honorary marshal and fair site floor traffic coordinators. Yet,
a review of their club minutes for the several months prior to the event
reveals no evidence of planning. While newspaper listings
show the existence of parallel committees, the women alone appeared to
receive the final plaudits in the local press.
The second factor for the women's more conservative viewpoint resides
in the perception that the fair proceed beneficiaries may not have elicited
a sympathy equally from all loyal Marylanders. The financial allegiance
of many Marylanders may have rested more with the localized soldier relief
efforts --those geared specifically to Maryland volunteers and their family
members --rather than with the seemingly impersonal, out-of-state bureaucratic
agencies. Referring to the Sanitary Commission, the historian Lori
Ginzberg stated "People were suspicious of an organization that seemed
to absorb enormous amounts of money and still cried out for more."
Perhaps reacting to current views of the Christian and Sanitary Commissions,
The
Baltimore American opined that the combination of ineffective workers
and "occasional waste and loss" had unfairly caused "censorious persons
[to] disparag[e] the efforts of these noble institutions."
Yet, even the editor of the fair's own privately printed souvenir newspaper
The
New Era, in his closing issues, featured a lengthy column making suggestions
for improving both national relief organizations.
The third factor, and by far the most damning, the division of Maryland's
citizens into Union and Secession factions ensured less than full participation
by its populace. Several southern counties with large Secessionist
populations, namely St. Mary's, Charles, Somerset, Caroline, Wicomico,
and Queen Anne's, sent no official delegations. As the Eastern Shore
diarist Samuel Harrison wrote, "Sentiment in this state is so divided --and
so many of those who are accustomed to spend money are disloyal . . . it
can not be reasonably expected that this fair should produce near as much
as it would [if] this state [was] united in sentiment." Union
military administrators, as well as Baltimoreans themselves, long recognized
the alliance of their city's wealthy with the Confederate cause.
Commenting in the summer of 1861, General John Adams Dix, believed, "The
Secessionists [are] sustained by a large majority of the wealthy and aristocratic"
of Baltimore. Neither years of restrictive military measures nor
the ascerbic effects of war could induce re-newed loyalty. On the
eve of the fair, the Clipper opined: It is not expected that the proceeds
of this fair will equal those of the Northern cities . . . whose society
is not thronged with enemies of the Government."
Despite these lowered expectations, the fair gave loyal Maryland women
their most spectacular means to express their Unionist devotion.
They appeared to relish the opportunity. Channeling their energies,
the women successfully mobilized thousands of fellow Marylanders, as well
as sympathetic out-of-state parties, behind the cause of U.S. soldier relief.
Remarkably, they achieved their organizational task in just over
four months. As the April 18 opening ceremonies approached, hundreds
of women converged upon Baltimore to prepare their display stands.
For some fifteen days, until the closing speeches on May 2, the city witnessed
a welcome diversion from the gray drudgery of war-time life. The
Baltimore Sanitary Fair brought color, pomp and gaiety to city streets
while providing yet another occasion to express Maryland's Unionist patriotism.
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