divers plagues were sent upon the land of
Egypt, and the king who reigned there at
that time.
This subject is one of the most profound
importance ever submitted to the American
people. It has always presented a difficult
problem to solve. I have never found any
satisfactory solution to it but the one I have
riven to the convention. And I find that
Bishop Hopkins is impressed with that view.
I found it intimated thirty odd years ago, when
the colonization scheme was adopted; it was
supposed that the way was then opened, and
that the colonization society would then ful-
fil the designs of Providence. But it is very
apparent from the failure of that scheme that
the colonizationists were a little too fast,
Mr. SANDS. Will my friend allow me to
ask him whether be remembers the reason
that Bishop Hopkins assigns for not permit-
ting negroes to testify, and the authority
upon which he rests it ?
Mr. JONES, of Somerset. I do not re-
member.
Mr. SANDS. I only wanted to call attention
to some of the enormities contained in that
book.
Mr. JONES, of Somerset. I understand the
gentleman said in this convention that he
was in favor of keeping them entirely dis-
tinct from the whites. And I suppose he is
not in favor of allowing them to testify or
sit on juries, &c. He is for keeping them
down in their present degraded condition,
except that they do not receive the protection
of their masters.
I had no idea, whatever, that this subject
was coming up to-day. I had intended to ar-
range a few thoughts upon the subject when
it should come up, but I hive had to speak
to-night without a moment's preparation. I
have no desire to consume the time of the con-
vention. I have never offered anamendment,
submitted a proposition, or made a speech
here for the purpose of consuming the time of
the convention. I have spoken to-night only
under a sense of fulfilling the expectations of
those I have the honor to represent here, and
who would be disappointed if I permitted this
action without the remarks which I have sub-
mitted. I will say that unless this subject is
relieved of these objectionable features by some
amendment of this sort, gentlemen will find,
when this subject goes to the people for their
sanction, that this will be a great stumbling
block in the way of the adoption of any con-
stitution they may frame. Unless, some pro-
vision is made for the helpless, the infirm,
and those who are not able to take care of
themselves, they will find a very unanimous
vote in all the slave counties against this
constitution.
Mr. BOND. I now renew the motion to ad-
journ.
The PRESIDENT. That motion is not in or- |
der; no business having intervened since the
motion to adjourn was last voted on.
Mr. PETER. According to the decision of
the chair, it would be impossible to effect an
adjournment for a week, when a question is
before the house, if gentlemen choose to speak
upon it for that length of time.
The PRESIDENT. The chair has nothing to
do with that. The parliamentary rule requires
some intervening business.
Mr. MILLER. It seems to me that every
political advantage which the majority of this
house can possibly attain by their handling
of this subject of slavery, will beaccomplished
by the immediate, unconditional and uncom-
pensated emancipation of the slave. I would
ask what political object is to be attained by
any further legislation upon that subject?
Now the amendment which I propose does not
effect, in any degree, emancipation immediate,
unconditional and uncompensated. It merely
appeals to the humanity of the people of
Maryland in regard to what Mr. Lincoln has
called a houseless, homeless, landless class
of population. It does not present them as a
class to their sympathies, but merely those of
them who by their age, or other cause, are
unable to maintain themselves and get a suffi-
cient livelihood and support. It provides
that it shall be the duty of the legislature in
such cases to make provision by law, to pro-
vide out of the State treasury, if necessary, for
their support and maintenance.
The object I had in view in submitting this
section, was to ascertain the sense of the
house in regard to whether they would, or
would not make provision for this class of our
negro population, it is well known, that in
the slaveholding counties there will be a very
large number of slaves too old to support
themselves, and too old to come within the
provisions of the apprentice laws of the State
as they now exist; and many of those who are
not too old to come within the provisions of
the apprentice laws may be unable to main-
tain themselves from some physical disability.
There are many of that class of negroes.—
What this section proposes to do is simply to
declare that the legislature shall provide in
some way for their support and maintenance,
and not throw this entire burden upon the
counties in which those slaves are manumit-
ted. For if no provision is made, the counties
will have to be taxed to double and treble the
amount they are now taxed, for the support
of paupers in their counties and towns. It is
simply for the purpose of testing the humanity
of this body in reference to this class of per-
sons, that I have offered this section. I
merely wished to explain the object of this
section; having done so I leave it to the con-
vention.
The question recurred upon the following
amendment submitted by Mr. JONES, of Som-
erset:
Add to the proposed section the following: |
