people of those counties, by very large and
overwhelming majorities, voted against call-
ing this Convention, and have sent delegates
here who have resisted this emancipation.
Evidently then it is against their will that
this act is done. If this population is turned
loose in those communities without any pro-
vision being made for their removal anywhere,
without any provision being made for their sup-
port in any way, then of necessity they must
be turned out of doors to starve and perish;
or the few remaining white persons in the
neighborhood or in the county, non-slave-
holders, as they will all then be, the poor
man who has but his small house and his few
acres of ground, and who by his daily labor
maintains his family, must be taxed for the
support of these infirm, .decrepid, helpless,
houseless and starving people.
Now, I ask, for whose benefit is this eman-
cipation to take place? When that question
is answered, then I will say that those who
are to be benefitted by it, those who desire it,
those who do it, ought at least to contribute
their fair share to the support of those whom,
by the destruction of the relation of master
and servant, they deprive of protection, home
and support. Is it just that this burden shall
be thrown entirely upon those communities
that have resisted this act? If you take away
the protection of law regulating the discip-
line which owners may exercise over these
servants, then they cannot require them to do
any work, for it is well known how averse
this race is to working for themselves. And
the honest white laboring man, who has
toiled during the day, and who when night
comes would lay down and go to sleep, will
have the fruits of his day's toil, or some
of his property stolen from him. He has not
the police of the city to guard his property
for him, while he sleeps. Wearied with the
day's toil, when the night comes he would
seek repose; but he must either sit up to
guard his property or have it stolen from him
by worthless free negroes who will be prowl-
ing about, especially those who cannot live
without stealing. You must therefore see
the injustice which will beinflicted upon the
community. If the interests of the State re-
quire that the relation of master and slave
should be severed, then the State should pro-
vide for those who are not able to provide for
themselves. Those who are able to work
the State may pass laws regulating their
work. But when it comes to that it will be
found that the condition of master and ser
vant under the law was a much more humane
and just one than that established by the laws
which will in all probability be passed to en
force their labor.
How did the experiment work in Louisiana
after the proclamation of General Banks had
brought a great number of these persons
within the federal lines, and they were set
free? What was the result of the experi |
ment of hiring them to work upon planta-
tions, and putting them under the charge of
overseers, and those who had leased the con-
fiscated plantations there? A very short
time of the experiment in New Orleans, right
under the observation of General Banks, con-
vinced him and every officer there that the
federal government would have to support
those who had been set free, feed and clothe
them, for work they would not, for the wages
offered them. And what was the result?
General Banks had to issue a general order,
prescribing the wages that should be paid to
the different classes of laborers, one, two and
three, at $8, $6 and $4 a month; prescribing
the manner in which they should be superin-
tended; prescribing the hours of their work,
and directing the provost marshals and others
having charge of them to see that they did
work according to the rules be had prescribed.
And what was that better than the relation
of master and slave, under the overseers they
were found under when the federal army went
there? Did General Banks become anything
more than the great bead overseer of that por-
tion of the State of Louisiana under his con-
trol? And what were his provost marshals
who had to see that these negroes worked ten
hours a day, more than overseers of the mas-
ters and owners of plantations there ?
And so it will be here, if they are left here.
The white population of this State will not
work all day, and sit up all night to protect
the proceeds of their labor against the ma-
rauders that yon set free to plunder them.
They will either have laws, and persons to en-
force those laws, requiring these people to
work, or else yon will have them extermi-
nated. If the cry of " mad dog " is raised,
and a man seizes his gun and goes out to shoot
him, be will shoot the first he sees. You will
have a state of affairs that gentlemen did not
contemplate, if provision is not made, espe-
cially for the care of those who cannot work.
it will be bad enough with those who are
able to work But those that are houseless
and homeless, and unable to work, must be
taken care of. And I ask if it is not just
that the legislature should provide out of the
State treasury, at the expense of the whole
people of the State who are to be benefited
by the destruction of this relation of master
and slave, for the support of those who are
thus turned loose against the will of the
people among whom they reside, and upon
whom they will otherwise be thrown for sup-
port? Is it just that they should bear this
burden alone, with all the other burdens that
have been thrown upon them?
At this point the speaker gave way to
Mr. BROWN, who said: I cannot remain
here longer, but must leave the ball. It is
now very late, and I move the convention do
now adjourn.
Mr. HEBB. I rise to a point of order. No |
