which has been manifested upon this floor to
find somebody responsible, and upon whom
might be levied compensation, for all the
damages arising to private citizens, loyal
sufferers, by reason of the present unfortunate
civil war. It seems that not only our own
government, our own State or federal author-
ities, are to be guarded against and indemni-
fied against, but that, even the acts of a public
enemy, with whom we are at war, open war,
and have been for more than three years past,
in their invasion of our State, against whom
we have a right to claim protection from the
State and from the government, are to be
compensated for. Loyal sufferers whose horses
or other' property have been taken by the
public enemy, are to be indemnified, are to be
paid. But those who by your act, in the
adoption of this constitution, lose their pro-
perty, shall not now from any source, shall
not hereafter from any source in the State of
Maryland, receive one dollar of compensation
My friend from Howard (Mr. Sands) the
other day thought he had found a justification
of the course he then recommended, because
General Wallace had levied contributions
upon those who bad shown their sympathies,
upon the burning of a barn, or something of
that sort. That was carrying the principle
to an extraordinary extent in a free govern-
ment. But that was upon the idea that that
act had been done by some one in political
spite and as a punishment to a loyal neigh-
bor; upon the idea that they would be disap-
pointed in their attempt and prevented from
repeating the act if the neighborhood were
made responsible for the act and made to paly
for it. That was carrying it quite far enough.
But this idea of compensation was so fixed
in the gentleman's mind, and so fixed in the
minds of the convention, as just in itself and
proper, that you carried it beyond any act
done by our own citizens, which we make
neighborhoods responsible for, and actually
extended it to the acts of a public enemy,
who came across our undefeated BORDER=0 and
committed an invasion of our rights and
privileges.
Now, I submit whether any principle of
consistency does not require that those who
are so exceedingly sensitive upon this ques-
tion of compensation, should have a little
consideration for those who may loose other
species of property than horses and mules, or
greenbacks, and are suffering beyond the extent
that some of them seem to have suffered, and
against which they have a right to look for
protection to the government. Consistency
will require that they shall take into serious
consideration whether they ought to close tin.
door to any hope of compensation hereafter
from the legislature of Maryland or the people
of Maryland for the slaves that may be eman-
cipated under this constitution.
I should suppose that those who invited the
President of the United States, and the com- |
mander of this military department in viola.
tion of every provision of our State and fed-
eral constitution, and laws, to make an illegal
and unauthorized assessment upon any part
of the people of Maryland for the acts of the
public enemy of the United States, would
have thought it their bounden duty to leave
open the door for compensation to be made
by the people of Maryland, through their
legislature, whenever a sense of returning
justice, and calmness, and the proprieties of
government, should convince them that such
compensation was necessary, and that it was
an act of justice; that those who now suffer
from the action of the government upon this
agitated question, might entertain the hope
that in the future they would receive the com-
pensation to which they are entitled by the
plainest fundamental principles of govern-
ment.
I have never believed until this morning,
and am still reluctant to believe that the con-
vention would have this article in the legis-
lative department. I was not here when the
gentleman from Baltimore county (Mr. Berry)
made his speech. I understand from my friend
from Kent that that gentleman declared that
upon the question of compensation, he and
his delegation had instructions and were com-
mitted. I do not know to what extent. I
regret that that gentleman is not in his seat
here to-day. We have barely a quorum
present. I do think that our action upon
this proposition is fraught with results of the
most weighty importance in reference to a
large portion of the citizens of the State.
Upon a proposition which goes to the ex-
tent that sufferers by the emancipation of
the slaves of Maryland by the act of this con-
vention, if it shall be adopted by the people,
not by the people who are to be affected, but
also by the people who have no interest in the
institution, to the extent of $30,000,000,
$40,000.000, and at the present prices of la-
bor $50,000,000, that they who are thus to
suffer are to be shut out from all hope here-
after of any compensation. I had hoped that
we would at least have waited until the con-
vention was full that we might have a vote of
the entire convention upon it, to see whether
or not, upon reflection, the convention would
not strike this article entirely out as moved
by the gentleman from St. Mary's (Mr. Dent.)
Can there be any harm in that? Those who
suffer now by this act will always he in a
minority in the State of Maryland. You will
adopt a ratio of representation here that will
forever exclude them from the political power
of righting themselves by their votes. You
will put them in a hopeless minority. Is not
that sufficient?
[The half hour having expired, the ham-
mer fell.]
Mr. HEBB moved the previous question.
The motion was seconded by Messrs. SCHLEY
and PUGH. |
