position on record against it. As the gen-
tleman from St. Mary's (Mr. Dent) has said,
it may at least he safely trusted to the future
sense of justice of the future legislators of Ma-
ryland. to the will of the people of Maryland
in times of more calm reflection, when asense
of justice might impel them to make compen-
sation for the wrong which in my judgment
will be inflicted upon them if this constitu-
tion should be adopted with an emancipating
clause in it.
I do most sincerely regret that these ques-
tions have to be debated in the midst of the
passions, the excitement, and all the angry
feelings which are necessarily incident to a
state of civil war. I could have hoped that
we might have got along quietly and peace-
ably under the constitution under which we
had been living for the last fourteen or fif-
teen years, until these troublous times should
have passed. But being here, and the con-
vention having determined it as their sense of
duty that the slaves of Maryland should be
emancipated, that that institution should be
suddenly, immediately, and unconditionally
removed by a constitutional amendment, that
the relation should he destroyed, with that
question I have no further right to debate.
I will say this, however; and I utter it for
the calm reflection of gentlemen upon this
floor, that when this convention shall have
adjourned, and shall have submitted this ques-
tion to the people, and when the people shall
have voted upon this proposition—the people
of those counties that have scarcely a solitary
slave in their midst, and the people of Balti-
more city that cannot understand the condi-
tion in those counties where this population
is numerous, if they shall adopt this consti-
tution—winter will then beapproaching. If
those slaves now comfortably housed, fed, and
clothed by their owners, under the express
injunctions of the law, shall be then, at the
approach of that inclement season, turned out
houseless, homeless, without protection, with-
out food and without clothing upon the chari-
ties of a cold world, to get their living by
their industry, women and children to be thus
tamed out, I suggest to those who are unac-
quainted with the condition of this unfortu-
nate class of people, what will be the condi-
tion in the approaching winter, with the
present high prices of food, with the present
high prices of clothing? Where will they
find a home? Where will they find food, and
clothing to protect them? When so many of
the valuable, able hands have been removed,
taken away and set free, can it be expected
that the owners who are left with whole fami-
lies of women and helpless children, when
they are now hardly able to provide food and
raiment for their own families, and when the
legal obligation to provide for this class is re-
moved from them, when the tie is severed
whereby they can require any obedience on
the part of any of them, will feel able or |
willing to furnish food, shelter, home, and
clothing, to all those that will be turned out?
I suggest it to the consideration of gentlemen,
if no provision is to be made for these chil-
dren, by putting them in a condition of ap-
prenticeship to their present owners, for the
helpless, for the idiotic, for the infirm, if they
are to be turned out, they will perish of cold
and hunger uncared for.
Upon the immediate proposition before the
convention, I have met very few—I do not
know that I have met with any—individuals
in the course of my intercourse, who have
expressed it as their private opinion that this
property belonging to the citizens of Mary-
land should be taken from them without com-
pensation from some source. Very generally
it has been said it is for the benefit of the
whole Union that this proposition to remove
slavery from the BORDER=0 States is made and is
insisted on. it is that, whatever may be our
future, so far at least as the BORDER=0 States
are concerned, this institution shall be re-
moved, by way of taking away the bone of
contention, and any future source of discon-
tent, in carrying out, for instance, the consti-
tutional provision with reference to the ren-
dition of fugitive slaves; and other reasons
have been assigned Therefore many gentle-
men have said, we think it is but fair that the
Congress of the United States—and even if
an amendment of the constitution for that
purpose becomes necessary—that the constitu-
tion of the United States should be so amended
as to give Congress the power to make com-
pensation for the slaves that may be thus
emancipated for the public benefit, peace, and
future quiet of the people of the United States.
This has been the remark generally, and I do
not know that I have ever met with or heard
of any individual who dissented from that
opinion,
There is nothing in this provision in this
article, no request, no expression of opinion
that now or at any time hereafter the people
whose property will thus be taken from them,
have no claim upon the government of the
United States or the people of the United
States for compensation.
Will any gentleman point out to me the
distinction? Will he show me how it is con-
sistent with the provision which my friend
from St. Mary's just read, that private pro-
perty should not be taken for public use
without adequate compensation as agreed
upon or fixed by some tribunal to be estab-
lished by law? How can gentlemen recon-
cile that declaration of fundamental law, jus-
tice, and right, with the provision in this ar-
ticle of the constitution which is proposed now
for our consideration? Are not these slaves
the private property of their present owners?
As much so as any article of property that
they own. Has not the institution existed,
almost from the very settlement of this State,
and the relation of master and slave? Has it |
