rency for which the faith of the United States
Government is pledged, will injure this Con-
stitution before the people of Maryland; that
is an argument of which I never dreamed,
until I heard it asserted upon the floor of this
house. I had supposed that anything we
could do in this Convention to strengthen the
hands of the Government, to improve our own
currency, to better the condition of the peo-
ple of Maryland, would certainly aid the Con-
stitution. Yet we are here gravely told that
an attempt to introduce a national currency
into this State would array against this Con-
stitution the influence of the country banks.
Now I do not believe all the banks in the city
of Baltimore, if banded together, could con-
trol ten votes in the city of Baltimore against
this Constitution. The people know that the
banks do not want a national currency, and
therefore they will not be controlled by them.
But if your banks in the country can control
votes against the Constitution, although we
do not affect one particle of their vested
rights, or any interest that they possess; but
only provide that when their charters shall
expire, if they wish to continue to issue paper
money, they must issue national paper money
—if the country banks can array votes against
the Constitution on that ground, then you
better abolish every one of your country
banks, and come together and form national
banks. If your country banks can control
votes against the Constitution on that ground,
then they must be rotten, and the sooner you
get rid of them the better; you are exhibit-
ing an unsound condition of affairs among
yourselves at home, which I am sorry to have
present to this Convention, and which I am
loth to believe really does exist.
Mr. SANDS. I am, of course, very much
obliged to my friend from Baltimore city
(Mr. Cushing) for his lecture, and for his as.
surance that my share in the work of this
Convention is unsound. I will just remind
him that what are the real interests of the
State in his views may .not be the real inter-
eats of the State in other people's views, and
having acted upon this matter, and there
being nothing to which the remarks of the
gentleman might apply—
Mr. CUSHING. I beg the gentleman's par-
don. The amendment of the gentleman from
Frederick (Mr. Schley) is belore the Con-
vention.
Mr. SANDS. The remarks of the gentle-
man applied to the action of the Convention
in reconsidering this matter. That was the
object of his ensure. He said he was sorry
to hear if said upon this floor that it was not
for the interest of the State of .Maryland to
have a national currency. Well, sir, who
said that? I have not heard that language
here. If the gentleman has, he has heard
what I have not. I say it is my conviction,
it is the conviction of every man here that if
is for the interest of Maryland to have a na- |
tional currency; and I believe we are getting
it just as rapidly as possible, and we are get-
ting it in the very lest possible way, under the
act of Congress in relation to such matters.
Now, I would ask any gentleman upon this
floor, what harm is done to the national cur-
rency by the existence of State banks? I
know that premiums in State bank currency
have been paid for national currency, and gen-
tlemen know that too. They give yon more
dollars in State currency than they demand
of yon in national currency. Is it the practice
among our people in the country, who have
food, clothing, anything which the country
wants, when the agents come to buy it and
say—" here is the national currency"—is it
the habit of our people to say—" no, we do
not want your national currency, we prefer
our State currency?" No, sir, but the con-
trary. Even in oar money markets, when
you want to exchange State currency for na-
tional currency, you must pay a premium in
State for the national currency. We hove a
national currency in Maryland; it is for our
interest to have it.
But, as I say to my friend, we must all re-
member that different individuals take differ-
ent views of the same question, especially
where their immediate intereats are concerned.
Our country banks are not generally in the
hands of disloyalists. In many cases they
are in the hands of the very best union men
we have, and those union men may believe
that their interests are imperilled by our ac-
tion here to-day, whether my friend believes
it or not. Those union men, presidents, di-
rectors, stockholders, billholders, and other
creditors and debtors of the banks, may all
believe that their interests are imperilled by
oar action here, whether my friend believes it
or not. If they do 80 believe, then if we run
that tar counter lo their belief in regard to
their own interests, to that extent we array
them against our Constitution.
Mr. CUSHING. Did the gentleman ever hear
a union President of a hank say so ?
Mr. SANDS. I will answer that question.
Mr. CUSHING. A simple "yes" or "no"
is all I want.
The PRESIDENT. There is too much inter-
ruption in this Convention on the part of
members. There is constant interruption, and
consequently constant delay and protraction
of debate. Hereafter the Chair will rigidly
enforce the rule: when a member wishes to
interrupt another, he, must rise and ask per-
mission of the member speaking to do so ;
otherwise the Chair will not allow him to
proceed.
Mr. SANDS. I am glad my friend has asked
me the question. And I will tell him that I
have heard no anion president of any bank
express any opinion upon this subject; nor
have I heard any other individual express
any opinion until this matter was sprung upon
us here yesterday, without any opportunity |
