speaker's desk when the General Assembly
adjourned. Gentlemen who halve been mem-
bers of the Legislature, or who have been in
Annapolis during the session of the Legis-
lature, know these things.
The question is: How can we best secure
attention to great public measures? It has
seemed to me that when they had been pre-
pared and properly digested it was best that
the Legislature should not be compelled to
adjourn upon any particular day, and for
that reason I offered the amendment, that if
they cannot with sufficient deliberation and
discussion come to a vote upon a question
upon the 10th of March, they should have
until the 12th or 14th. At the same time
the committees, understanding that all busi-
ness must be presented before the 20th of Feb-
ruary, or whatever day is fixed upon, would
bring in their reports and place them before
the Legislature in season to be acted upon.
I am not strenuous as to the mode. but the
result I am exceedingly desirous should be
effected. If anybody can present anything
better I will cheerfully yield to it, but at
present this seems to be better than any plan
which has been suggested.
Mr. STIRLING. The object which my col-
league has in view is a perfectly proper one,
but it really seems to me that the mode by
which he seeks to accomplish that object will
not be effectual. So far as I have had any
experience or observation here, it a pears to
me that those measures of general importance
have not been introduced during the period
to which his amendment would apply. Peo-
ple with important private interests do not
generally neglect them so long. I submit
that the reason why at the end of the ses-
sion matters of less relative importance are
made to absorb and occupy the attention of
the body to the exclusion of graver subjects;
is because private interests are more direct
and personal than public interests; and just
so long as that feeling remains in the human
mind, just so long will private business absorb
public business. The gentleman has got to
legislate selfishness out of the human heart
before he can legislate this difficulty out of a
legislative body. it is impossible to make a
machine that will work itself. We cannot
make the machine of the government, except
upon the basis that it is to operate upon the
human body and the human soul, and you
cannot legislate upon the operations of the
human soul or control them. You may pro-
vide for a thousand contingencies, and you
will find that two thousand contingencies
have been left unprovided for.
I am disposed for these reasons to oppose
the amendments and to support the proposition
which the gentleman from Baltimore county
has given notice that be will introduce here. I
believe there is but one proper way to pre-
vent the sessions of the Legislature from con-
tinuing too long; and that is to stop pay- |
ing them after a reasonable period; and if
they are forced to remain at Annapolis at
their own personal expense, they will not
stay unnecessarily. This is practical, be-
cause it bears directly upon the operations of
tine human mind. The great mass of the
legislative body are not going to stay here
and pay their own expenses, unless there is
some absorbing public question appealing to
their patriotic motives to be decided, in that
case they will stay here and attend lo the
public interests; but otherwise they will not
stay if they do not get paid.
The amendment will prevent another thing,
which may not be very much the custom in
this State, but which certainly is the custom
to a certain extent, that people come down to
the General Assembly simply because the per
diem is more than they make at home. If
they seek the per diem, they will not want to
stay longer than the time they are paid for,
They will not stay without compensation and
at their own expense.
It is sometimes necessary to introduce busi-
ness a short time before the end of the ses-
sion. Then we must provide, as the gentle-
man from Kent (Mr. Chambers) says is done
in Washington for exceptions to the rule;
and then it may turn out that the exceptions
become the rule, and adhering to the rule be-
comes the exception, if it is left to the discre-
tion of the body.
It is perfectly apparent from the action of
Congress that the limitation of the session
does not prevent hasty legislation, and does
not prevent the accumulation of business at
the end of the session. The reason is that in a
large body it takes time to get together; time
to get them to work together; and procras-
tination is the general habit of two-thirds of
men, and the universal habit of all large
bodies. If you give them a session of three
years in duration, there would be at last some
time when they would make up their minds
to go home, and for the last week there would
be the same hasty legislation, the same spec-
tacle of night sessions, and members sleeping
upon the benches in order to get through, for
the last two or three days of the session,
Practically they must bring their session to a
close by a joint resolution, and at last their
business is left partially undone.
This is adifficulty that cannot be obviated.
I am rather inclined lo think that the re-
sirictions in the present Constitution have
accomplished no very great results. I am
willing to let them stay as they are. We
have got them in the Constitution now, and
I am not disposed to amend it more than is
necessary. The provision of the committee
extends the time from the 10th of March to
the last Thursday in the mouth. I am will-
ing to vote for that; but I am not willing to
vote to fetter the Legislature. I do not think
this body is any more likely to anticipate
contingencies than the Legislature itself. The |
