permit me to say at that time in response to
the gentleman's question, that the "Ameri-
can "stated that the soldiers themselves, when
they arrived, were very much surprised to
find their good names attempted to be taken
from them by this anonymous correspondent.
But there was no denial by the editor, or by
the persons themselves. I did not suppose,
upon a question of this sort, where the ques-
tion of the bravery of the Maryland troops
was involved, it was necessary lo vote against
the opinion of an officer, stated by this paper
to be tin officer of Major General Sedgwick's
staff, in the absence of any other information,
in order to obtain compensation for our slaves.
I hope such a consideration will have no effect
upon me, one way or the other, in the dis-
charge of any public duties.
Mr. HARWOOD. I do not mean to; let the
gentleman from Baltimore county construe
my oath for me. I shall take the responsi-
bility of them. As to obtaining compensa-
tion, I would not vote for that resolution or
for one like it fur any money.
Mr BERRY, of Prince George's. Will the
gentleman from Baltimore county allow me
one word?
Mr. BERRY, of Baltimore county. My time
is out now.
Mr. BERRY, of Prince Gorge's. Then I
will move to extend it. I want to say, as one
referred to, that I was not here on the occasion
of that vote. I am one who never shrinks
from. any responsibility placed upon me; and
I will say to the gentleman that had I been
here I should have refused to vote for that
resolution; and the house might have taken
what action they pleased. I would have done
it on these grounds—that we were sent here to
frame an organic law, and I do not think it
came within the purview of our. duties hereto
vote on such resolutions. I respect, and shall
maintain always, and no man shall go beyond
me in carrying out the oath which I assumed
when I took my seat here, because I hold it
sacred. I shall always abide by it.
The motion to extend the time, without
limit, was agreed to.
Mr. BERRY, of Baltimore county, resumed :
Gentlemen feel that they are meant, and they
may construe it as applicable to their indi-
vidual cases, and feel the point, if they
will enter their disclaimers ninety years hence,
as they have dune now, on this particular
question, it will be for the people who have
charge of the treasury then to decide it. I
do not mean to impugn improperly the mo-
tives of gentlemen. At any rate it has given
them a further chance to ,explain their voles.
The gentleman from Prince George's (Mr.
Clarke) says that the Union party will not be
satisfied until we have their life's blood.
(Mr. CLARKE shook his head.)
Mr. BERRY proceeded: I have; got it down
so. I am one of those who differ somewhat
from some on my own. side, on the question |
which may grow out of this remark. I say
this: that if the South, or the so-called South-
ern Confederacy, will lay down their farms
and return to their allegiance, I will receive
them with open arms. I will grapple them
as with hooks of steel, and draw them to me.
This doctrine about keeping up this war
until every vestige of slavery is driven out,
finds no lodgment in my heart. If they will
return and come back as they originally were,
I will receive them with open arms, and hail
the day of their coming.
Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's. On the
former guaranty ?
Mr. BERRY, of Baltimore county. Under
the guaranties of the Constitution. On that
I stand. Whether it be changed or broken
on the part of the South or not, I stand on
the Constitution.
I have another thing to say in regard to
this question of slavery. The car of empire
is rolling on. If slavery comes beneath it,
slavery will be crushed by its ponderous
weight. If the Southern Confederacy puts
slavery in front to retard the advancement of
this car of empire, which, since 1861, has
commenced to roll on, slavery must either
get out of the way or go under. The plat-
form of the Union party, which was adopted
a few days ago in Baltimore city, does not
say what has been said upon this floor. It
says:
"Resolved, That we approve of the deter-
mination of the government of the United
States not to compromise with rebels, or to
offer any terms of peace, except such as may
be based upon an unconditional surrender of
their hostility and a return to their just alle-
giance to the Constitution and laws of the
United States, and that we call upon the gov-
ernment to maintain this position, and to
prosecute the war with the utmost possible
rigor lo the complete suppression of the re-
bellion, in the full reliance upon the self-sac-
rificing patriotism land heroic Valor and the
undying devotion of the American people to
their country and its free institutions."
When they return to their true allegiance,
I am ready to receive them. Then when we
shall have obtained a sufficient majority in
the Congress of the United States to alter and
amend the Constitution, and blot out slavery
throughout the length and breadth of the
land, when that majority shall so determine,
I will say, So mote it be. That is the way I
want it done. I do not wish it lo be done by
might, unless it stands in the way of right.
I want it. done according to the instrument
which I hold is the paramount law of the
land.
There is another matter which I cannot let
go by. The gentleman from Baltimore city
(Mr. Cushing) in his speech a few days ago,
said: When the slave Burns was arrested in
Massachusetts guarded as he was by some
1,500 soldiers, were returning him where in |
