for some crime I say that as a fact of his-
tory, not as a matter of law, there was a time
when there were some slaves there.
Mr. CHAMBERS. And advertised for sale,
and sold.
Mr. STOCKBRIDGE. I presume so. If a
person was sentenced to be a slave for crime,
he was a slave and carried all the incidents
of slavery with him.
But the question to which I was speaking
was whether the people of Massachusetts sold
their slaves to the South, put the money into
their pockets, and then set up the cry of abo-
lition. I say they did not do it.
Now, I am aware that we as Marylanders
ought not to discuss this question for a rea-
son that I will give presently. I say further,
that certain places in the North were too
largely engaged in the slave-trade. But Bos-
ton and Salem, Massachusetts, almost none
at all; Rhode Island most disgracefully so ;
New York somewhat. Almost the only sta-
tistics I have ever been able to find upon the
subject, relate to the last four years prior to
1808. By those statistics it appears that of
the slaves brought to Charleston, South Caro-
lina, something more than 7,000 were brought
in Charleston owned vessels. Sixty-one ves-
sels entered that port, engaged in that trade.
One Boston owned vessel went there with
200 slaves. In that same time, when Boston
gent one vessel to Charleston with 200 slaves,
Baltimore sent four ships with 750 slaves
And for every slave that the whole North
ever sold to the South, Maryland and Vir-
ginia have sold them by hundreds. Let us
not talk about that then; it comes too near
home. Who does not know that ever since
we can remember, slavery has been unprofitable
in both of those States? and we have been
called booth at home and abroad, not slaveholding
States, but slave-producing States,
as distinguished from the States farther South,
which have been styled the slave-consuming
States. Slavery has ceased to be profitable in
States that have become grain-growing States.
In other States cotton, rice and sugar have
made it profitable; and in some cases tobacco
can be profitably raised by slave labor. But
the most profitable crops of tobacco, by all
odds, raised in this country, are raised by
tree labor. Bint this is a digression, and I
will return to the subject under consideration.
The PRESIDENT. The gentleman's time has
expired under the rule.
Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's. I hope
the gentleman will have ample time to finish
his speech, for I have listened to it with a
great deal of pleasure. I move that his time
be extended.
The motion was agreed to.
Mr. STOCKBRIDGE. I thank the Convention
very much for this courtesy. I, however
will not trespass upon their attention much
longer. I had promised myself, and so stated
to others, that I would confine my remark
within the hour. |
A MEMBER. The gentleman has lost some
time from interruptions
Mr. STOCKBRIDGE. I will avail myself of
the courtesy extended to me to make one or
two remarks in conclusion, I will not argue
further the question of the material advan-
tages of emancipation. I am satisfied that
any one who will examine that question care-
fully will come to the same conclusion to
which I have come I have but one purpose
in discussing this question; that is to find out
what is right and just, and what is best for
Maryland; I ask nothing else,
As I have said, we meet here with a common
interest, and fora common purpose. I ad-
vocate the extinction of slavery because I be-
lieve before God that slavery is wrong. Upon
that ground I stand, I believe also that
honesty and right are the best policy, I be-
lieve that when we look at material wealth,
at the means of national advancement, we
shall come to the same conclusion; that the
unpaid services of another man are not the
means by which to build up either individual
or national wealth and greatness.
But if it were otherwise, if it were a bless-
ing instead of a curse, I have another reason
why at this time I advocate the extinction of
slavery, and that is, that though it were a
blessing and a luxury, it is too costly. Look
at the record of the last three years. Slavery
is the cause of this war. I say that; and if
time would permit I am ready to prove it.
Look at the facts. What has rebelled? Gen-
tlemen can remember, if they will look back
to 1860, and it is a great while to go back,
through such times as we have been passing
through, crowded as they have been with
tremendous incidents—yet, look back, and
gentlemen will remember that almost before
the ballots had done falling into the ballot-
box. appeals were made to Maryland on a I
sides to take her stand with her "sister States
of the Sooth, " and to raise up a standard of
revolt against the decision of the ballot-box.
And why? Because she had an institution
in common with them, I think the first me-
morial of which I have any recollection was
one to Governor Hicks, signed by Thomas G.
Pratt, Sprigg Harwood and several others.
That was followed by commissioners from Mis-
sissippi and from Alabama. Then there were
meetings in Baltimore, and in the counties,
and every one of them, for they are on record,
appeal to this one ground of action on the
part of Maryland; that she must link her
fortunes with her "sisters of the South," be-
cause she had an institution in common with
them.
Mr. CLARKE. I think I signed one of those
memorials, and as well as I can remember—
and I am positive of the fact—it did not put
it upon the ground that Maryland should
link her fortunes with her sister States of the
South. But she should move with the view
that she might preserve the Union, with all |
