wearing the badge of honor or dishonor
which attaches to us as slaveowners.
Mr. President, I contend for the main-
tenance of, the sacred rights of proper-
ty of every kind. You are about to settle
a different principle. Property, hence-
forth in Maryland, is but a shuttle-cock,
to be bandied here and there. The slave
aristocracy, as you call them, may ex-
ist no more in Maryland as slaveholding;
the " Star Spangled Banner," written by a
Maryland Slaveholder may be forgotten ;
the high-born families of Maryland may be
driven out. in time; but they will leave the
record of their glory and fame upon every
page of your history.
" Slave aristocracy " will live through
all time, and after ages will respect it, for
its high standard of honor, its exalted pa-
triotism, its specimens of educated gentle-
men, barristers, theologians, and statesmen.
It will live through all time as a model of
courtesy and hospitality. It will live
through all time as the respecter of the
rights of persons and property. It will live
in history as the best friend of the poor
white main, and the negro's kindest protector.
Can I say as much for that aristocracy
which may perchance succeed it? for
there is an aristocracy which is aiming
to take its place, an aristocracy fed on fat
Government contracts—without education
—without refinement—without honesty—
reared upon the ruin of the country and
the " price of human blood"—and by its
action every clay making itself richer, and
the poor white man poorer. Accept, sir,
this as the true doctrine that property is
not secured by the safeguards of law and
common honesty, and the cheek that is
smitten will not ever turn the other to its
smiter, " The mills of God grind slowly
but very small."
Political catch-words can be invented
which may come home. to others besides.
the slaveowner. This new aristocracy
reared by the war, may yet see, in the
efforts of the people to save themselves
from the ruin which threatens the many
in order to enrich the few, their gains, " the
price of blood," crumble into dust and
nothingness.
The people may yet take up in their
agony and oppression, the cry, " homes for
the homeless,"—" bread for the bread
less,"—"money for the moneyless." This
new aristocracy may yet be seen trying to
skulk and hide from the swift but avenging
power of the people. |
Freedom, sir, for the enslaved white man
must be maintained, if even it demands the
extermination of the black man. There
will be a cry of peace, when there is no
peace. And woe to the man who resists
this changing tide of popular sentiment.
There is power in the storm, might in the
hurricane, but the people voice will be
stronger than the roar of the storm or the
majesty of the hurricane. Other men, in-
sides the slaveowners may yet learn the
meaning of the hand-writing upon the
wall: "MENE, MENE, TEKEL UPHARSIN."
Mr. President, my task is over, my work
is done. I have, in my humble way,
discharged a duty I owe to myself, to my
constituents, to my State, and lo my coun-
try. I have stood up and battled for the
rights of all classes of my fellow citizens—
fur the widow, the orphan, the aged,
the fair, and the brave, alike. I have
aimed to secure you in your home-
steads, my fellow-countrymen, so that in
the future (as ever in the past,) you
may continue to gather, day after day,
around your old altar's to worship—enjoy
the bloom and beauty of your fields—and
cast your eye at morn and eve to your fam-
ily grave-yard, where rest for generations
your fathers, who now sleep the sleep which
shall know no waking until the trump
of God shall rouse them. If I do not suc-
ceed in this battle for your rights, and all
that is dear to high-born men, and noble,
fair women, aye to tender children, and the
helpless innocence of the maiden—the fault
is not mine. Point to every man who votes
fur this article, and mark him through all
time with the inscription, " thou art the
man." [Mr. SANDS, (in his seat) Amen,]
Thou canst not say I did it? But come
weal or woe,—whether a succeeding admin-
istration of the Federal Government does
us justice, or a succeeding generations metes
out equity to our children, be still high-
born men and noble women. Onward in
faith, and leave our destiny to a God who
will never desert those who battle in as holy
a cause as ours, although we must yield
now to the arbitrary action of a majority
which admits that it has not time to stop to
do justice, but walketh ever in ways of its
own unlicensed choice.
The ballot box may yet save our institu-
tions. Strike, men of Maryland, at the
ballot box, " for your altars, your firesides
and your homes."
On motion of Mr. STIRLING,
The Convention adjourned. |
