efforts to represent themselves as having
heretofore occupied positions upon this ques-
tion in perfect harmony with their present
political creed. And when in accordance
with the inspirations of your teachings, the
political party with which I affiliate now
announce that this emancipation policy,
this radicalism which is to sweep away
slavery in violation of all the principles of
right, and in disregard of the sacred guar-
antees which protect private property: this
confiscation of the estates of our Southern
brethren, and this new dogma of "State sui-
cide," or 'State forfeiture" which obliterates
sovereignties and leaves a tabuta rasa upon
which to erect the fabric of a consolidated
despotism—are paving the way to a "trea-
son fair more potent for mischief than any
assistance secession is likely to receive from
abroad, or aid which treason at home may
convey to it," let them be no longer de-
nounced as "traitors." If our views of
"treason" to the Constitution and Government
of the United States and the State of
Maryland agree with the definitions re-
ceived so recently from your political Grama-
liels. pardon or least do not denounce our
more consistent adherence to the axioms of
constitutional duty and obligation, I do
not mean, Mr. President, thus to "succumb
to the advancing tide of public opinion"—a
public opinion that is changing and unsta-
ble—and hears the evident marks of a dis-
eased condition of the body politic. My
cheeks would tingle with shame, my limbs
would grow weak and tremulous, and my
manhood would desert me, if I could thus
falsity the record of a lifetime, or stoop to
utter such language of denunciation and
venom as !these walls have echoed and re-
echoed since this debate commend,.
No, sir ! I shall not bring dishonor on my
name and parentage, or so tarnish the fair
fame of the great, pure and good men who
have preceded me in these balls of legisla-
tion, some of whom belong to that class of
men who were not born to die. Should I do
so, I would expect the very walls about me
to echo ill language which speaks from the'
tomb, or breathes its notes from the spirit
world, a solemn reprimand—aye! voices
of condemnation 1
1 do not purpose, Mr. President, to fol-
low the gentlemen who have preceded me
through their bibical arguments, through
their discussions of the morality of slavery
and through their tables of statistics show-
ing a variety of facts which are not the
logical consequence of the existence orr
42 |
non-existence of slavery, but whicli find their
solution and primal cause in a variety' of
historical facts, distinctions of social' organ-
ization and race, and questions of political
economy which the limits of my allotted
time do not permit me to discuss. Allow me
to say, that while negro slavery has, like all
other mere human institutions, gome evils
connected with it, it is not a sin—the argu-
ment and opinion of our clerical member
(Mr. Todd) to the contrary notwithstand-
ing. My interpretation of the Bible, as an
Episcopalian, which differs very much from
his, both as regards the doctrines and spirit
of the Gospel dispensation, teaches me that
slavery is sanctioned by it, anel I know di-
vine revelation nowhere sanctions a malum
in se. With Bishop Hopkins, as pure and
devout a Christian in as adorns the epis-
copacy, I believe and shall ever maintain
"that the relation of the master to the slave
in the Southern States involves no sin, pro-
vided the treatment of the slave be in ac-
cordance with the Scriptures; because the
slavery of the heathen races was sanctioned
by the divine law in the Old Testament,
and the system of Roman slavery was al-
cowed to Christians by the apostles in the
New Testament: and it was regarded as a
providential arrangement of society by the
fathers, the councils, the theologians and
commentators in every branch of the Church
for more than eighteen centuries; so that
there is no question on which the Holy
Catholic Church was more perfectly unani-
mous; that by necessary consequence the
modern doctrine of ultra abolitionists is an
impious error, because it opposes the Bible
and the Church; tliatitisaelaD^ereiuserror,
because it divides Christian communities
into hostile sects, bitterly warring against
each other; that it is rebellious to the State
aa well a.s tei the Church, because it tram-
ples on the Constitution, calling it a "cove-
nant with death and an agreement with
hell " and has driven the old Union of the
States into discorcd and strife, of which no
rnam can foretell the issue; that to the ne-
gro race, slavery in the hands of their
Southern masters has been a blessing; " **
that meanwhile, the Church has mi right to
interfere with the institution, warranted as
it is not only by the " supreme law of the
land" laid down in the Constitution, but by
the word of God and the unanimous judg-
ment of Christendom." View of slavery
by Bishop Hopkins, pp. 349, 350.
Amd in reply to all that has been said
r and deduced illogically from the citation of |
