fall from the arms of the slave, and the ban-
ner of freedom is to be unfurled," the ques-
tion at last, freed from all these rhetorical
surroundings, that addresses itself to our
judgment, is, will Maryland be more likely as
a free State, to promote the continuance or
restoration of the Union, than as a slave
State? Three years ago, when this war com-
menced, I thought that a rebellion of that
magnitude, embracing nine millions of people,
could not be put down byforce; that the
safety, welfare and interest of all, would best
be promoted by letting them try the experi-
ment. Nations are like individuals, in fact
are nothing but the aggregate of individuals,
and the same motives that prompt to the
adoption of a particular course of conduct in
the one case, operate in the other. What
would be the course of an individual in such
a case? Why, sir, common sense teaches,
that after having tried his new course of life,
it he found it to operate to his detriment he
would change, and return to that which was
more to his profit and interest. I believed
then and I believe now. that the way to have
preserved the Union was by keeping peace,
and if the South would go, if they would lis-
ten to no terms, then to let them go—" to let
the erring sisters depart in peace." I have
seen no good result to the Union from war.
I see in it the triumph of abolition.
Maryland is about to try the experiment of
free labor. She is about to inaugurate a new
policy within her limits. As a citizen of the
State, so long as I remain within it, it is my
duty to conform to whatever, in the form of
law, a majority of her people shall determine.
But in view of the past, I do not believe that
the interests of the State are going to be pro-
moted by the proposed change, I reward it
as a sudden shock, that will shake to the very
centre, all the interests of the State, and for a
while at least, tend very nearly to their pros-
tration. Gentlemen have told you, and told
you truly, that in many of the counties the
slaves form nearly one-half, or a very large
part of the taxable property. You strike away
at one blow all that taxable property How is
the deficiency to be supplied? Governments
must he supported, and it takes money, and
in these days, no little sum of money to meet
all the demands of the tax gatherer, and the
cry is still for more. Where is the money to
come from? How are the people to get it, to
pay their taxes? The drafts are taking a]
the young and able bodied to the field of
battle, to fill Moody graves, or to return
maimed and crippled, and your fields are to
go uncultivated from the want of labor
You are striking away one-half of the taxable
basis, and leaving the same or an increased
amount of taxes to be raised on the remaining
half. Let those gentlemen who vote for this
proposition, answer these things to their people
I will not detain the Convention longer
simply saying that I do not believe the change |
proposed will benefit the negro, I believe it
will make his condition infinitely worse.
Statistics show such to have been the result,
wherever it has been tried. A free negro
population is a curse to themselves and to any
community in which they reside, when they
approximate in numbers to the white popu-
lation.
I do not believe it will benefit the State,
because it is not the growth and result of
natural causes, but is a forced condition of
things under the peculiar emergencies of the
times. As regards the moral views of the
question, and the tender consciences of those
gentlemen who halve no scruples about hold-
ing a negro in slavery until it becomes their
interest to sell him, and who then prate of
the blessings of freedom, I shall speak no
further. My conscience" is perfectly at ease.
I hold negroes, have held them ever since I
attained to age of manhood, and if the laws
of the State would permit it, would probably
continue to do so. It is a practice sanctioned
by all time and by all people, from the earliest
ages of which we have any knowledge down
to this present hour, by the best, as also by
the worst of mankind. Whether Providence
in His wise purposes has seen fit to work out
the salvation and liberation of the negro—
through a war that is desolating and destroy-
ing this nation—at the cost of the white race,
is a problem that I shall not attempt—like
the gentleman from Baltimore—to solve.
Mr. STIRLING moved to take a recess until
eight o'clock this evening.
Mr. HEBB demanded the yeas and nays, and
they were ordered.
The question being taken, the result was—
yeas 39, nays 34—as follows:
Yeas—Messrs. Goldsborough, President;
Abbott, Annan, Baker, Cunningham, Daniel,
Davis, of Washington, Earle. Ecker, Far-
row, Galloway, Greene, Hebb, Hoffman, Hop-
kins, Hopper,' Keefer, King, Markey, McCo-
mas, Mullikin, Murray, Negley, Nyman, Par-
ker, Purnell, Robinette, Russell, Sands,
Schley, Schlosser, Smith, of Carroll, Smith,
of Worcester, Sneary, Stirling, Stockbridge,
Sykes, Valliant, Wooden—39.
Nays— Messrs. Audoun, Berry, of Balti-
more county, Berry, of Prince George's, Bil-
lingsley, Blackiston, Bond, Briscoe, Brown,
Carter, Chambers, Clarke, Crawford, Davis,
of Charles, Dennis, Duvall, Edelen, Gale,
Harwood, Henkle, Hollyday, Horsey, John-
son, Jones, of Cecil, Larsh, Lee, Marbury,
Mitchell, Miller, Morgan, Parran, Ridgely,
Smith, of Dorchester, Turner, Wickard—34
So the Convention took: a recess until eight
o'clock.
EVENING SESSION.
The Convention reassembled at 8 o'clock
P. M.
The roll was called, and the following
members answered to their names : |
