trustee, as his duty called on him to do, as a
member of the bar, but his "moral sense"
to-day so wonderfully acute, did not then re-
volt at the performance of such a duty.
Sir, men's perceptions of right and wrong
are much more acute to-day than they were
but a few years ago. Their moral percep-
tions are clearer and their senses are preter-
naturally bright. I will not say that " I am
shocked," but I will say that " I am aston-
ished at the principles expressed." In the
great, new-born anti-slavery leal of the gen-
tleman from Baltimore (Mr. Daniel,) whose
conscience " as a Christian" is so sorely
troubled because of the existence of slavery,
he has not only denounced the institution of
slavery in most unmeasured terms, but has
actually exalted those of the negroes who are
in the army above the great mass of the white
soldiers. Surely the gentleman did not well
consider what he was saying. Surely he did
not consider the import of the words lie was
uttering Surely he did not mean what he
said, when quoting the declarations of two
returned soldiers, lie said " the negro troops
were among the very best of Grant's army,"
And it seemed to be with a sense of gratified
glorification that he made the announcement.
Now, sir, can this be so? Is it true that the
negro troops are "among the very best in
Grant's army?"
Mr. DANIEL, (in his seat.) No, sir.
Mr. DENNIS. Then why did the gentleman
so state? I believe that the great mass of
the people who have gone forth grasping the
banner of their country, are prompted by
good motives. I believe that they are im-
perilling their lives and liberties to maintain,
as they believe, the Union. Whether such
an end is likely to be the result of their ef-
forts is another question; but such I believe
to be the motive that prompts the great ma-
jority. And yet the gentleman stands up in
this Hall and tells us that these men, thus
leaving homes, wives, children, family, friends
and all that constitutes home, and going forth
to brave death in a hundred forms in the
defence of their country, are inferior and
poorer soldiers than these negro troops. I
leave the statement for the consideration of
the country.
in the brief reply I shall make to the gen-
tleman, I shall reverse the course of his argu-
ment. and first reply to his last argument.
We, the minority of this Convention, who
oppose his views, are very gravely and con-
siderately informed by the gentleman that
" we stand some risk of not getting any com-
pensation fur our negroes," &c. Now, sir,
the negroes may go. If the government
chooses to take my negroes it can do so. I
cannot help it. Government has the power.
If it can make anything out of them, be it so.
But I tell that gentleman, and every other
gentleman who entertains his notions, and
who thinks that our course is to be influenced |
by such paltry threats, in the language of the
immortal Reed, whom, in the days of the
Revolution, the British emissary attempted to
bribe, "I am poor, very poor; but poor as
I am, the King of England cannot bribe
me."
The gentleman says "that the President's
proclamation failed to have its effect " The
answer to that may be given in the words of
the President himself, when be said " he had
very little influence with this administration."
I believe that is true. Who, but the veriest
dolt, ever believed that anything but aboli-
tion was the end, aim, and purpose of this
administration? It may be that in the be-
ginning of this unhappy controversy the Pres-
ident never contemplated or comprehended
the results of his measures. He may have
meant what he said in his proclamation. But
"there is a power behind the throne, greater
than the throne itself," and the President
has indeed "very little influence with this
administration," if not at first upon the
platform of emancipation he has been placed
upon it, and if he had the disposition, he is
powerless to resist.
Amongst other reasons the gentleman now
urges in favor of emancipation in this State
is, that no negro can be a witness in any case
where a white is a party, and he denounces
that law as " hard, grievous, oppressive, in-
tolerable, and unjust in its character;" and
has declared that for this reason alone, "he
would blot out this institution of slavery."
The gentleman has more than once been a
member of the legislature, and if he ever made
an effort to alter that law, I am ignorant of
it; and does not the gentleman know that
until the past winter any person was incom-
petent to testify in a suit if interested to the
extent of one cent? And is not this law quite
as grievous as the one excluding the negro?
That received not a word of condemnation,
but the negro's case is quite sufficient cause
for " blotting out the institution of slavery"
He says that "it has never been taxed like
other property;" " that it has been a favored
institution," &c. If the owners of slaves are
paid the sum at which they have been taxed
for said slaves, I venture to say there will be
no complaint upon that score.
Blithe says that "he is a member of the
Methodist church, and that after all the great
objection to slavery is its moral aspect," &c.
That " we must do unto others as we would
that they should do unto us;" "that in the
times of ignorance God winked at. it, but now
be commands all men to repent," &c.
And the gentleman then says that there
was no slavery beyond the year of jubilee,
under the Jewish dispensation, &c. Now,
sir, I have never been a member of the Meth-
odist church, but I will read for the benefit of
the gentleman from Baltimore city (Mr. Dan-
iel) these words, from Leviticus, chapter 25,
verse 39 to 46, inclusive ; |
