and happy than under the institution of
slavery.
This is a great and mighty measure. It
seems to me that the magnitude of this meas-
ure has not entered into the minds and con-
ceptions of gentlemen who advocate it here.
Have they reflected that the slave property
now proposed to be emancipated is one-half
of the assessable property in that portion, of
the State where slavery most abounds? Take
the report of the Comptroller of the Treasury,
and he will tell you that the assessable prop-
erty of the counties amount to so much; and
that in the counties of the eastern shore south
of Cecil, and the counties of the western
shore south of the Baltimore and Washington
railroad, the slave property amounts to one-
half the value of all the property. Have you
thought that by this measure, at one fell
blow, you strike down one-half of the wealth
of all kinds in that section of the State?
They have not deserved it at your hands, and
will not the injury fall heavily upon the agri-
cultural interests of the State? Look at that
section of the State now; whole counties al-
most devastated and turned into a wilder-
ness, unproductive, scarcely yielding enough
to support life in the inhabitants that are
left. That is the condition now of much of
this State.
The turning loose upon society of this vast
incubus of vice, indolence, and dissipation
will produce an effect we have never experi-
enced, that we have never even dreamed of.
It will increase our taxes. Are they not suf-
ficient already? Are we not now ground al-
most to tire very dust? Are not the burdens
of taxation now imposed upon us sufficient
to gratify the tastes of gentlemen? It has
come to this, as was remarked the other day
here, that the very screws in our coffins are
taxed.
And then its effects upon the while laboring
class. It has been preached to us that sla-
very operated against the interests of the la-
boring masses, of the poor white men. Now,
if the slaves of Maryland were to be swept
from the soil, were to be taken out of the State,
I admit there would then be an opportunity
for white labor to come in and supply their
places; and ill that regard, if such a measure was
adopted, it would redound to the interest, and
advantage of the white laboring population.
But such a measure is not practicable; such
a measure is not proposed; such a measure
will not be attempted. The free negroes will
remain here, and then what will be the effect
upon the poor white laboring class? You
elevate the negro socially and politically, and
in doing so you place the poor white laboring
man upon an equality with him. It will in-
evitably have that effect. The rich man, with
his fortune, can keep out of such company,
can avoid such association; the rich man
will be exempt from this evil and baneful in-
fluence. But the poor white man, compelled |
to get his livelihood by the sweat of his brow,
to hire out at daily labor, will have to labor
in the field, on the farm and the plantation,
side by side, in almost social and political
equality with free negroes. The negro will
be elevated step by step. There is a disposi-
tion, that cannot be controverted, to elevate
the negro. The effect will be to pull down
the white man, and there will finally be a
struggle between the races. We find all
around us the disposition to elevate the
negro to an equality with the white man.
in Washington city they are allowed to
ride in the cars, and other privileges of that
kind.
Mr. BARRON. They have a car separate and
distinct for the colored people to ride in ex-
clusively. I only mention that fact by way
of information to the gentleman.
Mr. HENKLE. Mr. Sumner made a hercu-
lean speech in the Senate on the subject.
Reverdy Johnson, and other distinguished
leaders of the Republican party, made speech-
es upon the subject, advocating equal liber-
ties with the white man for the free negroes
in the District of Columbia. There was a
case in point reported in the newspapers some
time ago, which gentlemen doubtless have
seen, and which I have no doubt is correct,
about what transpired on the boat that runs
to Fortress Monroe. There the negro is re-
cognized as upon a social equality with the
white man. In every contest on this subject
the negro gains the victory. These things
will go on. The respectable white popula-
tion in this and in other States will never
submit to it; it cannot be. The President of
the United States himself, when speaking to
a deputation of colored gentleman, who wait-
ed upon him a year or more ago, told them
that there was an inequality between the
races which could never be overcome: that
they were different races that never would re-
concile together as social equals. But there
is, notwithstanding this, an effort to elevate
the negro. The negro will presume upon the
efforts of his friends; and I think it will re-
sult in a war of races, when the poor negro
will go down in the struggle. And that is
the humanity that is exercised towards the
negro race.
The PRESIDENT informed the gentleman
that his time had expired.
Mr. CHAMBERS moved to extend the time.
Mr. ABBOTT moved to limit the extension
of time to fifteen minutes, which was agreed
to.
Mr. HENKLE continued: The enormous
injustice of this measure really staggers my
understanding. I can hardly realize that I
am standing in a Convention of free men,
elected by the sovereign people of the State of
Maryland to act upon these grave subjects,
when I hear gentlemen announce doctrines
and advocate measures that I hear advocated
and announced here day after day. We are |
