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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 615   View pdf image (33K)
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615
people as can be found anywhere. And I am
quite sure that, so far as the gentleman from
Somerset is concerned, it is not in his heart
to deal harshly with his slaves. I have only
gome slight acquaintance with him. But I
sit daily with him at the table, and I must
say that he is a most gentlemanly man, and a
perfectly conscientious Christian. With much
feeling he portrayed the kind treatment that
the slaves receive at the hands of their mas-
ters. He said that when a slave is sick, his
master, and the wife and children of the mas-
ter, gather around him, the family physician
is called in, and the minister of God is called
in to soothe his last moments. Now, I think
that is quite likely; I have no doubt it is so
in his case; I think his slaves are better off
in many respects than many freemen.
The gentleman adverted with a great deal
of feeling to the fact that the minister of God
was called in. Now suppose we pursue that
idea a little further. We will suppose that
the master and the slave are members of the
same church, which is frequently the case.
Being humanely and kindly treated, the
slave has had impressed upon his mind his
master's religious notions, and desirous of
imitating his master, he unites himself to the
same church. They sit down together at the
communion table, and if there could be any
time when in the eyes of God they are on an
equality, I should suppose it would be at
that time, when, acknowledging the same
Father, they are bound together by the most
endearing ties. The next morning, from
choice or necessity, this man thus treated,
thus trained, this member of the church, can
be sold. And only think for one moment of
the character of the man to whom he may be
sold. A common slave-trader—not to say a
slave merchant—a common slave-trader, the
most degraded, the most debased, the most
ferocious and cruel of the human race. This
pious and Christian man is transferred over to
this demon in human shape, who sells him
no one knows or cares where or to whom
and for one or two hundred dollars more be-
cause he is a religious man. Yes, sir, the
piety of the slave is made a matter of mer
chandise; they actually advertise and recom
mend them because they are religions, am
ask a higher price because of their being
church members. Just think of it. This
pious and godly man, who has been reared
with so much care and kindness that he feel
himself not only a man, but a member of the
great family of Christiana—this man is turned
over to one of the most ferocious monsters in
human shape, to be kicked and cuffed and
beaten by him until he is sold into the rice
swamps, or cotton fields of some distant
Southern State, away from his family and re
lations, away from all that has made his lo
endurable before. Those are the beauties of
the mild system of slavery. I am not talk
ing now about cruel and inhumane slave
holders, but of the mildest and best features
of the system. How can this be an institu-
tion to commend itself to any man ?
The PRESIDENT. The gentleman's time has
expired.
On motion of Mr. DANIEL, the speaker wag
allowed fifteen minutes additional time.
Mr. SCOTT. I shall not want much more
time to complete what I have to say.
I was perfectly shocked when I looked at
the gentleman from Somerset (Mr. Jones,)
knowing as I did his honesty, sincerity, ana
conscientiousness, to think that a man pos-
sessing those high qualities could become so
blunted, could become so depraved, if I may
use the expression, by the institution of sla-
very, as to be deaf to all these kinder senti-
ments of his heart, and to tolerate and excuse
and uphold an institution that had such de-
grading and depraving tendencies. The in-
stitution of slavery must be bad indeed when
it could so entirely blunt and destroy the
feelings of a gentleman of his character and
piety and conscientiousness.
We have been trying long enough, unsuc-
cessfully, to keep the State of Maryland
somewhere near even in the race of empire
with the other States. Notwithstanding our
many advantages we have fallen behind.
States with far less opportunities than we
have, not near so eligibly situated, have out-
stripped us in the march of progress. We
have been striving to progress with a dead
weight upon us—the institution of slavery.
We have fallen behind, and now we have re-
solved that it is time to change our policy.
The gentleman from St. Mary's (Mr. Bil-
lingsley) says that three years ago we could
not have done this thing. That is quite
probable; but we would not be wise if we
did not take the tide at its flood. Circum-
stances are now in our favor. We did not
seek them, we did not make them; but we
would not be wise if we did not use them.
Adopt this article in your Constitution, abol-
ish slavery, and like a young giant the State
will start on the race of glory and renown.
Immigration will pour in from every part of
the country, and of the most desirable char-
acter, and which is now kept back by your
repulsive and forbidding code. Free schools
will flourish; your population will become
educated and intelligent. And though it
may rule some gentlemen out of power and
place, who have heretofore enjoyed the good
things of this world, the State of Maryland
will not be the worse for it. The general
diffusion of knowledge will benefit the great
masses of the people. Enterprise, and in-
dustry, and thrift, and taste, and elegance,
and everything that constitutes a great State,
will date from the downfall of slavery, and
the establishment of freedom. Every motive
that can operate upon a religious and intelli-
gent people prompts yon to pursue this course.
Another great reason for adopting this


 
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Proceedings and Debates of the 1864 Constitutional Convention
Volume 102, Volume 1, Debates 615   View pdf image (33K)
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