tice, having the power, they must take the
responsibility of its exercise. And if the
principles of justice and equity are ever again
re-established in this land, I trust that re-
sponsibility will be met by the people; and
that, notwithstanding constitutional restric-
tions, not withstanding the attempt to ham-
per the Legislature by a provision in this
Constitution, they will make restitution for
the wrong you may do. I think it is "the
unkindliest cut of all" not even to leave that
question to the future, not even to the con-
tingencies of those very works of internal
improvement, which the gentleman from St
Mary's (Mr. Billingsley) so kindly reminded
the gentleman from Baltimore city (Mr.
Cushing) were built by the smaller counties
coming to the aid of the city of Baltimore.
My own county and myself stood by the side
of those named by the gentleman from St,
Mary's in sustaining the city of Baltimore;
and without our votes, not one of the meas-
ures necessary to build those works could
have been carried. And in making the can-
vass afterwards, I had to meet the objection
that I had voted for works of internal im-
provement to bring down coal and wood and
other articles to Baltimore to come in com-
petition with the trade of our own citizens at
home.
And yet, you now refuse to trust even to
the contingency that the enormous profits of
these works may bring such revenues into
the coffers. of the State as to give her the
ability, should she at any time have the feel-
ing of justice, to make some compensation for
that which you, propose to take away so un-
justly. You propose to tie up the hands of
future legislatures so that they shall not have
even that discretion.
Mr. President, it is a fact in the history
of this State, that not a very great while
after the introduction of slaves, the Legisla-
ture provided as a reward for faithful ser-
vices, and also in accordance with the feel-
ings of many of that day who had some con-
scientious scruples upon the subject, a mode
in which such feelings could be gratified by
bestowing freedom upon those slaves that
might be supposed to merit it. Provisions
were made to allow of their manumission—
the mode of manumission being prescribed
by the Legislature. And the free negroes in
the State are nearly every one of them the
slaves manumitted under those laws or the
descendants of those manumitted slaves,
Why then was it, that about the year 1831,
this system that had been in operation for
perhaps a hundred years—I do not know
how far back this system of emancipation
had been inaugurated—why was it, that af-
ter discussion throughout the State, in the
public press, in the halls of legislation, the
General Assembly suddenly put a stop to it,
and declared that in future emancipation
should not take place in Maryland, only on |
condition of removal from the State, having
special reference to the colony of Liberia ?
And why was it that just aboat the same time,
the Legislature declared that no free ne-
gro from any other State should come to reside
into. the State of Maryland? It was upon the
most pressing and urgent public necessity;
upon the experience of the evils growing out
of that system of emancipation; because the
fact was forced upon the public mind, upon
the conscience of every private individual,
that we had this institution among us and
that it was inevitable for the benefit of both
to continue the relation of master and slave,
until in the providence of God away should
be opened to transfer the manumitted slave
to the home of his ancestors upon the shores
of Africa, And that was the system inaug-
urated, that was the policy adopted and
which prevailed in Maryland unquestioned,
down to the commencement of these unfor-
tunate troubles.
And why was it? Had not manumission
been tried elsewhere? Had it not been tried
all over the New England States? Had they
not gradually dispossessed themselves of this
property upon the ground that it was no
longer profitable, that it interfered with the
rights of the poor? If you look into the
Dred Scott decision, so much abused, you
will find some historical facts stated by Chief
Justice Taney, showing the ground foreman-
cipation in Pennsylvania, New York and
other States. Nowhere was it upon the
ground that it was a sin against God and
nature; but it was upon the ground of pub-
lic expediency that the property had ceased
to be profitable there, and it was deemed
necessary to get clear of it, all those who
should be born after a certain date were to be
free, and hence, no one was going to the ex-
pense of rearing the children for freedom.
You do not find the New England States do-
ing anything of that sort, for they kept but
few of their slaves.
Now, what was the operation of that sys-
tem upon the moral condition of the negroes
thus set free, and what was its operation
upon society there? Let me show you what
was the operation; I shall not have time for
more than a glance. I have a pamphlet here
full of facets not only in regard to tire opera-
tion of emancipation in New England, but in
Jamaica, Hayti, and everywhere, that this
unfortunate class have been left to themselves
without the control of an owner to look after
them, care for them, and exercise over them a
proper discipline to keep them within the
range of his protection. Let me read enough
to show what these facts justify :
"Gigantic efforts are now being made to
convince the people of the North that the
overthrow of the present relations of the
black and white races in the South or what
is mistakenly called 'the abolition of slave-
ry,' would be a great benefit to all concern- |
