ence to that particular parly, what right had
you to take it from me? I want you to
answer me that question. Did I, as a slave-
owner, ever invade the rights of the North?
Look at the history of our own State, Look
at the case of Gorsuch; look at the case of
Kennedy, Had not they a right to claim
their slaves according to the rights guaran-
teed them by the Constitution of the United
States? What was the result? Will any
member of this body undertake to tell me,
under such circumstances as thsee, that I
have not; a, right to my property in slaves,
and to protect that right? Is it not a consti-
tutional right? It is not only a constitu-
tional right of my State, but a constitutional
right guaranteed to me by the Constitution
of the United States.
In my county it has been said that a man
is not loyal who is not willing to give up
his slaves. If you are not for the abolition
of slavery, I cannot testify to your loyalty,
and do not care how many slaves you may
have lost. Here are the extremes. Every man
knows that so far as regards this Union, no
man is more devoted to it than I was. I had
been educated to look upon this government
as the noblest structure that the wisdom or
the genius of man had ever devised. And I
say still, sir, that could it be administered in
the spirit of our fathers, the sun never shone
on so blessed a land. It possessed within
itself all the elements of greatness, everything
that was necessary, of climate; soil, or pro-
duction. Though we had our sectional or
geographical divisions, yet these diversities
constituted a ligament that bound the Union
together. I greatly regret that any circum-
stance should ever have occurred by which
this great country has been severed.
But what is the state of things now? What
was the case in the ancient empire of Rome,
not in the age of Christianity and enlighten-
ment? When Verres, who was a praetor in
Sicily, by his exactions and crimes had ren-
dered himself odious to the Sicilians, and
they brought their charges against, him, and
he was arraigned by Cicero—I recollect very
well reading when I was a boy, that beauti-
ful exclamation of Cicero's in his oration
against Verres, that even the declaration,
"I am a Roman citizen," could not save
from the scores of the lictors. How is it
here? I stand here an American citizen.
What is the boast of every heart and of every
soul that vibrated in the country? We
were in the habit of telling the down-trodden
of other lands that this was the land of free-
dom, that this was the asylum for the op-
pressed, a desired haven of nest, a home, a
refuge. But does the exclamation now, " I
am an American citizen," protect you in
your rights?
When AEeneas was summoned into the
presence of queen Dido, and told her of the
destruction of his country in the sacking of
38 |
Troy, he could not have felt more poignantly,
more keenly than I do, when I have looked
upon the calamities of my country. I can
say with AEneas, Magna part fui, though not
a sufferer to the extent of many of my people.
It you wish to see the realization of this mad
scheme, go to my county, especially if you
were ever familiar with her history. There
you can see the footprints of desolation;
men reduced from affluence and luxury, al-
most to beggary, bankrupt in fortune, with-
out the means of educating their children,
not because they have been displayed, for I re-
pudiate and throw back with contempt, the
idea of my people being disloyal.
Had they contented themselves with forcing
into the army those who were fit for military
service, I do not know that I should com-
plain upon this floor. But when they take
the aged, and infirm, end helpless, for noth-
ing in the world but to support, but to me
and my people invaluable, when they induced
them to leave their masters and mistresses, I
say that it is an outrage, and I am here this
day to protest against it. What have I done
in this matter? I had the honor, when a
member of the Senate, to introduce a series of
resolutions looking to the correction of this
evil. By the courtesy of the Senate the rules
were suspended, and ajoint committee of the
two Houses was appointed to wail. upon the
President to inquire whether these things
were done by his authority.
[The hour having expired, the hammer
fell.]
On motion of Mr. BERRY, of Prince George's,
the time was extended fur fifteen minutes.
Mr. BILLINGSLEY proceeded: When that
series of resolutions reached this House, it
met with opposition and was defeated by one
vote. But I will do the President the justice
upon this floor to say that I do not believe
that if he knew the extent to which those out-
rages were carried, he would ever have
countenanced it. But this has been done by
the action of the government. I am free to
confess and candid enough to acknowledge
that so far as slavery, is concerned, I look
upon it as practically dead. But the differ-
ence between you and me in that particular
is this: I am willing to admit that it is
dead; not dead though by the action of my
own State, but dead by the action of the
General Government. If there is ever a re-
turning sense of justice in the country, I
believe, as conscientiously as I believe I have
a soul to be saved, that this government if
able, will pay me for it. But you liberate
the slaves, you who have control over it,
because it is an institution which you have
the right to control, and what right have you
to go to the General Government and de-
mand compensation? See the injustice that
you are doing. I would rather have no
pledge upon the face of the earth this day
and trust to the General Government, than |
