not interfere with the existing right of slavery,
except by the unanimous consent of the Legis-
lature, showing the great sensitiveness of the
State of Maryland with regard to this ques-
tion throughout; showing that she not only
tolerated but protected slavery.
Why do you undertake to abolish slavery
by the wholesale? Those of you who are
not interested in that species of property can-
not realize to yourselves the immense damage
it will be to rights. In my county, where we
are slaveowners—that unfortunate class of
beings at the present time—it is frequently
the case that in the distribution of property—
I knew several instances within my own
knowledge prior to this agitation and conse-
quent uncertainty—a certain portion of the
heirs would take personal property al to-
gether, because it united their purposes and
convenience better than real estate. Pass this
article without compensation, and what is
the effect of it? Some of the heirs are in full
possession of their patrimony; and the others
have not a solitary dollar of their father's es-
tate, because it consisted of this species of
property—these poor negroes, is that right?
Is it just? Is it proper, taking that view of
it?
Let me here digress and take up another
subject; and I will return to this presently.
Some have contended, and I believe upon this
floor—it was my misfortune to be sick on the
day the discussion took place, but I under-
stand that gentlemen not only argued the
moral but also the religions view of the sub-
ject—that the destruction of slavery tends to
the moral, political, and intellectual eleva-
tion of the white man. I deny the premises ;
and I propose to give my reasons for it.
I say that as a class of men, you have not
in the community a class of men of more ex-
alted purity, more elevated patriotism, or
more general intelligence, than the slave-
owner. And why? Because their academic
and collegiate advantages are surpassed by
no class of citizens. Descended, many of
them, from enlightened and distinguished
families, associating with the most polished
and refined insociety, with the ad vantages of
travelling, many of them, they are forced by
necessity to become students in order to main-
tain their position in society and to emulate
the example of their ancestors.
How is it with the other classes of society?
Forced by necessity to labor daily for the
support of themselves and their families, to
earn their living by the sweat of their brow,
no such advantages of education are afforded
them. There are distinguished instances in
which men have risen by the force of charac-
ter and genius to the highest positions in the
State; but they are comparatively few, so as
rather to strengthen than to weaken my posi-
tion by the exception.
Does it follow that because there are labor-
ing men located among slaveholders; they do |
not enjoy equal advantages? Why not? Is
there not as much and more general intelli-
gence among slaveowners, as a class of
people? Are they not liberal? Are they not
men of expanded views? Are they not men
of patriotism? Whenever they find young.
men in the lower classes of society of rising
merit and talent, they step forward and give
them aid and assistance in obtaining an edu-
cation, and afterwards obtain position for
them in society. We do not, because we
happen to be slaveholders, look down upon
the poor with contempt. We respect the
poor man as much as we do the rich man ac-
cording to his merit. To say that slavery
has a tendency to destroy the political and
intellectual position of the white man—I
deny it.
How are yon to elevate that class of so-
ciety? It is by elevating the political and in-
tellectual standard of morals of this society?
You must teach them to live in virtue. You
must teach them justice. You must teach
them respect to individual rights as well as
the rights of society. You mast teach them
that although poor, they have privileges and
blessings which they can transmit to their
posterity by the purity of their lives, by their
observance of the rules of morality and jus-
tice; so that they may become the bulwarks
of government to perpetuate its blessings to
posterity. You who are public men, mast
teach them that all things are not grievous.
You must teach them that the end does not
sanctify the means. Yon must teach them
honesty of purpose, and that what is politi-
cally dishonest is not privately right. You
must teach them by your example that you
are men who assume and appreciate the bless-
ings of your forefathers. You must not
pamper to their prejudices and their passions,
by enticing them into vices which are the de-
struction of morals, as many of us do. As
for myself, I have had very little experience
in public life, as every one knows. You mast
tell the rising youth that the world into which
he is going abounds in wickedness and temp-
tation—temptation rendered doubly alluring
by their youth and inexperience. You must
tell them to shun the intoxicating bowl and
the game of chance. These are lessons that
as public men you should teach them. Edu-
cate the youth of your country in this par-
ticular, and you will have a government of
the people that shall last so long as the foun-
dations of any government can last.
I will now take a view of the religious as-
pect of this question, and I will commend to
the perusal of the reverend gentleman who
spoke upon this subject, (Mr. Todd.) an arti-
cle in the American Quarterly Church Review
for June 1860, published in New York. It
is an article upon "Alford's Greek Testa-
ment and Slavery."
"All the authorities above enumerated
have been collected with more or less care; |
