valuable slaves found a resting place this
side of the Southern slave market.
This view of the case is strongly fortified,
at least by the fact that in 1790, some years
after this policy of removal was inaugurated,
there were in the nine Northern States, in-
cluding Maine, only 27,109 free negroes.
Yes, Mr. President, many of those at the
North, who are loudest in their abuse of
slavery and slaveholders are now revelling
in wealth, which was originally derived from
the sale of slaves, and which has been turned
to more profitable account by being invested
in manufactures and commerce. Many who
are foremost in this abolition crusade, could
the truth be ascertained, would find that they
are seeking to deprive their owners of pro-
perty which the South held by a warranty of
title derived from Northern vendors.
[The hour having expired the hammer fell.]
On motion of Mr. STIRLING, the speaker
was allowed fifteen minutes further.
Mr. EDELEN proceeded:
With this picture of the legislation in the
Northern States before us, truthfully drawn
as it is, who will venture to say that their
people were influenced in what they did by
any generous spirit of philanthrophy, any
noble devotion to the cause of human liberty,
Let it be conceded that the character and ef-
fect of their legislation was such as is gene-
rally claimed, and still it may well be ques-
tioned how far it would establish their claim
to any high degree of merit in a moral point
of view; or how far they were actuated by a
desire to do justice to a " wronged and down-
trodden" race, because long before this
emancipation movement was initiated, it had
been discovered that slaves at the North, in-
stead of a benefit, were a burden.
Turning now, Mr. President, from the
legislation of New England, let us see what
has been the character of that of Old Eng-
land. In the year 1836, Great Britain
passed a law emancipating the slaves in all
her West India Colonies, The provisions of
that law are in such striking contrast with
the action proposed by the majority of this
House, that the brief moments left me for the
consideration of the subject will not be misap-
plied by reading to the Convention a brief
extract of the same, as I find it on page
254 of the 2d vol. of Kent's Commentaries :
"By the statute of 3 and 4 William IV,
chap. 73, slavery ceased throughout the
British Colonies in the West Indies and else-
where, on the 1st of August, 1836. The
then existing slaves were to become appren-
ticed laborers. The time of their apprentice-
ship was to cease partly on the 1st of August,
1838, and totally on the 1st of August, 1840,
when the black and colored population be-
came altogether free. The sum of twenty
millions sterling, ($100,000,000,) was to be
distributed in certain proportions and on cer-
tain conditions to the West India planters as |
a compensation for the loss of their property
in the slaves by the force and operation of
the statute. This statute will remain forever
a memorable event in the annals of British
legislation. It is entitled an act for the abo-
lition of slavery throughout the British Col-
onies; for promoting the industry of the
manumitted slaves; and for compensating
the owners hitherto entitled to the services
of such slaves. The title itself is declaratory
of the boldness of the design and the sense
of justice and benevolence which accompa-
nied its latter provisions."
Thus it will be seen that when the English
people legislated on this important question,
their action was marked by a high sense of
"justice and benevolence," justice to the
owner in providing full and ample compensa-
tion, and benevolence to the slave in prepar-
ing him fox the enjoyment of freedom by ap-
prenticing him to his former owner tor a
term of years. The great objection urged
against compensation in Maryland, is that it
would require a large amount of money. I
grant that it would. But if emancipation
must take place it should only be upon full
compensation to all interested. Nations no
more than individuals have a right to disre-
gard the unbending and irreversible law of
justice. With them as with individuals,
the motto should be " Fiat justitia, ruat
coelum." .
A few years since a distinguished individ-
ual, who was then a Senator from the State
of New York, and who is now high in place
in the Government at Washington, (Mr.
Seward, ) announced the very startling doc-
trine that there was an irreconcilable conflict
between free and slave labor in this country,
Recently, however, I believe the paternity of
this doctrine has been attributed to Mr. Lin-
coln, Bat, whoever may have originated it,
there never was started a falser and more dan-
gerous doctrine. It involves an impeach-
ment of the wisdom of the fathers of the Re-
public, who, through the Federal Constitu-
tion had reconciled all discordant and incon-
gruous elements. With the institution of
slavery preserved intact, how could this con-
flict ever arise? We have just been review-
ing the history of the Northern States, from
which slave labor, under the laws of nature
and political economy, was constantly with-
drawing, seeking a more congenial and pro-
fitable sphere of action in the South, and
leaving the North to free labor. The two
systems moved in entirely different orbits of
existence, and there never could arise that
collision and antagonism of mutual interests
predicated by the originator of this pernicious
theory. Indeed, the two systems are mutually
beneficial to and dependent upon each other,
—slave labor at the South in a field of
action unsuited to white labor producing
the material which gives profitable employ-
ment to free labor in the North, and the |
