To the disciples of Mr. Lincoln on this
floor, I commend the words of their great
leader, in the earnest hope that they will sink
deep into their minds and shape their action
on this most important and momentous sub-
ject. Let those also who are attempting to
set up imaginary lines of distinction between
slave property and other property for the
purpose of finding in those distinctions a
license to take slave property without .com-
pensating the owner therefor, ponder and re-
flect well upon these words. Now, suppose
the proposition in this House was to destroy
by legislation any article of personal or real
property, in which a large number of the
people of the State had invested their money,
to take from them their lands, their houses,
their chips, their stocks of merchandise, with-
out providing compensation therefor—with
what favor, think you, would such a proposi-
tion be received? Would not the mover of
such a proposition be regarded as a fit sub-
ject for the lunatic asylum? And yet this
very thing is to-day gravely proposed in this
hall. For the words of the distinguished
authority I have just quoted place the libera-
tion of slaves on the same ground as the de-
struction of any other property. It is, says
Mr. Lincoln, the same thing. " The libera-
tion of slaves is the destruction of property,
property acquired by descent or purchase,
the same as any other property."
Gentlemen upon the other side tell us that
we should look to the Federal Government
for compensation for slave property. I, as a
citizen of Maryland, acknowledge my obliga-
tions to the Federal Government to the fullest
extent within the sphere of its legitimate ac-
tion, and claim its prolection accordingly.
But I humbly conceive that upon the true
construction of the powers and duties of the
Government at Washington, I, as a citizen of
Maryland, can have no claim there for pro-
tection in this property, except in those cases
where jurisdiction over it has been granted
under the Constitution, Certainly I have
no claim for compensation for slaves taken
from me by the sovereign power of my own
State. The question of compensation against
the General Government for slaves impressed
into the military service or carried off by its
agents and officials, is a different question,
and rests upon far different grounds To
the State of Maryland my allegiance is due,
and allegiance and protection to life, liberty
and property are reciprocal. The broad aegis
of its protection should encircle me and ex-
tend over my rights of property in slaves as
in every other kind of property recognized by
its laws. When my demand for compensa-
tion for my emancipated slave is met with an
order on the Federal Government, it is a vir-
tual abnegation of my right and a denial of
that protection which is due to me as a
citizen from the power that claims my alle-
giance. |
The State is bound to protect its citizens in
the enjoyment of their rights in property of
every kind and description recognized by its
laws. The right in the General Government
to make an appropriation to aid the States in
the emancipation of their slaves, is a different
question, and one which I do not here pro-
pose to discuss.
That the title of the slaveholder of Mary-
land to his slave is good and valid, has not
been attempted to be controverted on this
floor. That they are to him tire representa-
tives of hundreds and thousands of dollars ;
that they are, in the language of inspiration,
his " money," are propositions too clear for
argument or controversy.
Now, with these facts conceded, I should
like to be informed bow gentlemen on this
floor can reconcile their action on this ques-
tion, proposing as they do a wholesale de-
struction of property, with their ideas of
right and stern justice. In the private rela-
tions of life there is not one member, I am
sure, composing this body, who would not
scorn the idea of being engaged, however re-
motely, in any scheme tending to the inflic-
tion of wrong and injury upon his neighbor.
But, I would ask, is not the same code of
morals binding here, that determines our
duties and obligations outside this Hall? Do
gentlemen cease to be men and accountable
beings when they cross the threshhold of this
capitol, and assame the character of legisla-
tors? Is not the existence of the Supreme
Judge of the Universe daily acknowledged
in this place, when on every morning at the
opening of our sessions the voice of the min-
ister is lifted in prayer, invoking upon our
deliberations His aid and interposition. Now,
in all candor, I appeal to your intelligence,
your sense of justice, your accountability be-
fore High Heaven, acid ask you if it is wrong
for you as men and individuals to deprive me
of my properly, without an equivalent, is it
right for you to do that same thing in the
character and capacity of law makers? The
case is not met by saying that slaves in Mary-
land have so depreciated that scarcely any
value attaches to them. They are still valu-
able to their owners, I repeat, and in time
that value may be enhanced. But, granted
all this, the man who takes from me unjustly
one dollar is as culpable in the eye of both
human and divine law as he who robs me of
thousands. The principle is the same.
What is the argument of the gentleman
from Talbot (Mr. Valliant) on this point?
Property in slaves, says he, is practically de-
stroyed. The State of Maryland did not do
it. 'Therefore the State ought not to compen-
sate the owners. This doctrine of the gen-
tleman falls strangely and harshly upon my
ear. Because my strong and unjust neigh-
bor has commenced an aggression upon my
rights, therefore you to whom I look and ftp-
peal for protection must join hands with the |
