that good men hands are worth all that the
government is offering to pay for them; even
in that case I doubt the expediency of paying
for them by the State, and for this reason.
Our western men have sustained very heavy
losses by this war—losses amounting to many
millions of dollars. These people will con-
tend, and very justly, that their losses and the
losses of the slaveholder are in precisely the
same predicament, viz: both are incidents to
the war, and therefore if the State compen-
sates for one, she is morally and religiously
bound to compensate for the other.
And further, if we undertake to compen-
sate the loyal slaveholder, we will soon have
to compensate the disloyal also. It will be
an easy matter for the disloyal a few years
hence to come forward and prove by testi-
mony, competent in law, that in 1864 they
were loyal men—were opposed to the rebel-
lion and never aided it by word or deed. Mr.
Thomas P. Williams, of my county, who in
the month of May, 1861, persuaded my boy-
brother, George Enos Valliant, then a boy
but 17 years old, to go down to Virginia and
there defend his native South from the inroads
of northern Goths and Vandals, and offered
to pay the expenses of ten young men to go
and do as he urged my brother to do, (and did
other things too numerous to mention,) will
be able to bring some one to swear that
he, too, has ever been loyal, and there-
upon base a claim for compensation, and thus
the State will be obliged to compensate the
loyal and the disloyal alike, and will also be
obliged to compensate the sufferers to whom
I have alluded in the western counties,
(which latter our Legislature has already re-
fused to do ) And in doing all this, we
seriously threaten our State with bankruptcy,
Now, Mr. President, I have put on record
some of my reasons for being in favor of
emancipation and opposed to State compen-
sation. But I have not stated all my politi-
cal faith in regard to slavery. I am in favor
of immediate emancipation. As I have al-
ready trespassed more largely than I intended
upon the time, and attention, and patience of
this Convention, I will give but one or two of
many reasons why I desire that slavery shall
be abolished immediately. I believe that by
abolishing this institution at once, a greater
victory will have. been achieved for the Union
than was achieved at South Mountain, Antie-
tam, Gettysburg or the Wilderness. When
the rebels in the South see Maryland gone be-
yond all possibility of hope, they will begin
to fear for the final result of their mad un-
dertaking. And again, I wish Maryland to set
an example to other States—an example which
I am persuaded to believe will be followed.
Many of our people desire this Convention
to adopt some system of negro apprentice-
ship. I have nothing to say in regard to this
matter, as there is no proposition relating
thereto now before the Convention; but, with |
your leave, I will here take occasion to say
by way of finishing my confession of politi-
cal faith on the subject of emancipation, I
think we have enough apprentice law already,
and am opposed to any system of apprentice-
ship that would or could carry with it a con-
tinuance of slavery one hour beyond the 25th
day of December next. But, at the same time, I
must say that I now see no reason why
masters who may now claim to hold slaves
under the existing laws of our State, under
the ages of twenty-one and eighteen—males
and females respectively—may not be per-
mitted to have said slaves bound to them
under the existing law of apprentiship; and
why they should not have some time allotted
them for this purpose and the preference of
binding these negro children be given to
them. But about this I am indifferent.
One word more, Mr. President, and my
confession of political faith, so far as this in-
stitution is concerned, will be completed. I
think that inasmuch as the General Govern-
ment has declared by joint resolution of Con-
gress, approved April 10th, 1862, "That
the United States ought to co-operate with
any State which may adopt gradual abolish-
ment of slavery, giving to such State pecuni-
ary aid, to be used by such State in its
discretion, to compensate for the inconveni-
ences, public and private, produced by such
system," we have the right to ask and to de-
mand of the General Government the aid
thereby promised in case fire people of the
State adopt the 23d article in the hill of
rights. But whether the offer of the General
Government was made in good faith or not—
whether I am ever to receive one cent for the
slaves which I have already lost and will yet
have to lose, (if I am yet a slaveholder,) I
am in favor, as a matter of public utility, and
because I honestly believe the continuance of
slavery to be morally wrong, of the imme-
diate and unconditional abolition of slavery
in Maryland, and shall give my vote tor the
article now under consideration.
Mr. PETER. I have listened with no little
degree of interest and attention to the argu-
ments which have been made by the majority
in this House on the 4th article of the bill of
rights. The radical party have contended
that this expression of a free will offering of
allegiance was due to the Constitution, the
laws and the Government, as a matter of
policy, of law and of right, and I could but
revolve in my mind and wonder on what
grounds they would offer up the sacrifice con-
tained in the article now under consideration.
But it scenes there is to be a sacrifice, yea, a
great holocaust offered on the part of the op-
pressed and down-trodden people of this
State to appease the dire anger, and stay the
avenging band of some offended deity.
All government is made for the protection
of its citizens in the enjoyment of all the
rights and privileges not interdicted for their |
